Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Wer etwas werden will, hat in Deutschland auffällig schlechte Aussichten. Das ist ungerecht, bremst die Wirtschaft und gefährdet die Demokratie. Das muss sich ändern. , Chancengleichheit bildet das Fundament der sozialen Marktwirtschaft und sichert die Freiheit unserer Gesellschaft. Und dennoch bleiben wir gerade in Deutschland weit hinter diesem Anspruch zurück. Wer heute jung ist, wächst in einem Land auf, das im internationalen Vergleich auffallend wenig ...

Clashes over powers, price criteria and solidarity are shaping the EU’s push to secure essential medicines

No one is happy about plans for a corporate tax, one EU diplomat said

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On Sunday, September 21, 2025, IPI held its twentieth annual Ministerial Working Dinner on the Middle East in its Trygve Lie Center for Peace, Security, and Development. The dinner drew the participation of foreign ministers and other high-level representatives.

The event was chaired by IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein and co-hosted by Qatar and the European Union, represented respectively by Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Qatar, and Kaja Kallas, High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission.

Participants had a frank discussion, off the record, on regional issues held under the Chatham House Rule.

Attendees included Badr Ahmed Mohamed Abdelatty, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt; Jasem Mohamed AlBudaiwi, Secretary General of the Gulf Cooperation Council; Sheikh Abdulaziz Al-Hinai, Ambassador-at-Large, Sultanate of Oman; Mohammed bin Abdulaziz Al-Khulaifi, Minister of State of the State of Qatar; Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; Abdullah Ali Al-Yahya, Foreign Minister of the State of Kuwait; Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bahrain; Anita Anand, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Canada; Xavier Bettel, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Affairs of Luxembourg; Ignazio Cassis, Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of the Swiss Confederation; Espen Barth Eide, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Norway; Hakan Fidan, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Türkiye; Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Secretary General of the League of Arab States; Simon Harris, T.D., Tánaiste (Deputy Prime Minister) and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade; and Minister for Defence of Ireland; Fuad Mohammad Hussein, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Iraq; Diego Martínez Belío, Deputy Foreign Minister and State Secretary for Foreign and Global Affairs, Spain; Beate Meinl-Reisinger, Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of the Republic of Austria; Sabine Monauni, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Environment, and Culture of the Principality of Liechtenstein; Youssef Raggi, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants of Lebanon; Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark; Ayman Safadi, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan; Mr. Sugiono, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia; David van Weel, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

Also present were Ivonne Baki, Member of the Board of Directors, IPI; Ian Bremmer, President of Eurasia Group; Helen Clark, President of Chatham House; Rosemary A. DiCarlo, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, UN DPPA; Comfort Ero, President & CEO of International Crisis Group; Jeffrey Feltman, John C. Whitehead Visiting Fellow in International Diplomacy in the Foreign Policy program, Brookings Institute; Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, UN OCHA;   Anwar Gargash, Senior Diplomatic Advisor to the President of the United Arab Emirates; Philippe Lazzarini, Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UN RWA; Miguel Moratinos, High Representative for the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations; Amr Moussa, Former Secretary General of the League of Arab States and member of IPI’s International Advisory Council; Binaifer Nowrojee, President of the Open Society Foundations; Mary Robinson, Former President of Ireland, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and Member of The Elders; Dahlia Scheindlin, Policy Fellow, Century International; Juan Manual Santos, Chair of The Elders, former President of Colombia, and Nobel Peace Laureate; Alex Soros, Chair of the Open Society Foundations; Mirjana Spoljaric Egger, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The post IPI Hosts Foreign Ministers, Officials at 20th Annual Middle East Dinner appeared first on International Peace Institute.

One influential actor that has been largely overlooked in European debates on China as a ‘systemic rival’ is the Chinese Communist Party’s International Department (CCP-ID). Building on a comprehensive dataset that allows us to trace China’s international party cooperation since the early 2000s, we not only investigate the CCP-ID’s networking activities across Europe but also zoom in on the CCP-ID’s engagement in the Czech Republic, Germany, and the UK. The main purpose of the CCP-ID is to foster elite networks and to build personal relationships. By identifying and mobilising individuals who will ‘speak in favour of China’ in domestic political debates within Europe or who publicly endorse China’s positions in Chinese media, the CCP-ID seeks to provide the CCP with external legitimacy. It is the great flexibility in the CCP’s strategies and instruments and the many faces of its activities that make it a potent player in Sino-European relations to which policymakers and academics alike should pay more attention.

One influential actor that has been largely overlooked in European debates on China as a ‘systemic rival’ is the Chinese Communist Party’s International Department (CCP-ID). Building on a comprehensive dataset that allows us to trace China’s international party cooperation since the early 2000s, we not only investigate the CCP-ID’s networking activities across Europe but also zoom in on the CCP-ID’s engagement in the Czech Republic, Germany, and the UK. The main purpose of the CCP-ID is to foster elite networks and to build personal relationships. By identifying and mobilising individuals who will ‘speak in favour of China’ in domestic political debates within Europe or who publicly endorse China’s positions in Chinese media, the CCP-ID seeks to provide the CCP with external legitimacy. It is the great flexibility in the CCP’s strategies and instruments and the many faces of its activities that make it a potent player in Sino-European relations to which policymakers and academics alike should pay more attention.

One influential actor that has been largely overlooked in European debates on China as a ‘systemic rival’ is the Chinese Communist Party’s International Department (CCP-ID). Building on a comprehensive dataset that allows us to trace China’s international party cooperation since the early 2000s, we not only investigate the CCP-ID’s networking activities across Europe but also zoom in on the CCP-ID’s engagement in the Czech Republic, Germany, and the UK. The main purpose of the CCP-ID is to foster elite networks and to build personal relationships. By identifying and mobilising individuals who will ‘speak in favour of China’ in domestic political debates within Europe or who publicly endorse China’s positions in Chinese media, the CCP-ID seeks to provide the CCP with external legitimacy. It is the great flexibility in the CCP’s strategies and instruments and the many faces of its activities that make it a potent player in Sino-European relations to which policymakers and academics alike should pay more attention.

Le Ministère du Tourisme, de la Culture et des Arts, à travers l'Agence de Développement des Arts et de la Clture (ADAC) a rendu public la liste des auteurs présélectionnés pour le prestigieux "Prix Jean Pliya de la fiction littéraire". C'est dans le cadre de la 7e édition du concours national de littéraire dénommé "Grand Prix Littéraire du Bénin".

Six (06) œuvres ont été sélectionnées pour le Prix Jean Pliya de la fiction littéraire. Il s'agit de :

– DANS LES CORDES DU DESTIN, (Roman) de Josiane D. GOVOEI, Ed. Fous Sans Frontières

– ILLUSION DERMIQUE, (Nouvelle) de Sophie ADONON, Ed. Bénin livres

JOBALA GANG, (Nouvelle) de Destin AKPO, Ed. Savane du continent

REPRÉSAILLES ÉCARLATES, (Polar) de Lionel DADELE, Ed. Essaim Plumes

YÊ-NU, (Polar) de Claude BALOGOUN, Ed. Légendes

Le Grand Prix Littéraire du Bénin est une compétition nationale annuelle qui sacre à chaque édition, les œuvres littéraires écrites en français par des auteurs de nationalité béninoise.
Pour cette édition les prix à décerner sont : le Prix Jean PLIYA de la fiction littéraire ; Prix Paul HAZOUME de l'essai ; le Prix Jérôme CARLOS de la Chronique littéraire et le Prix de l'Éditeur.

L'équipe de Dadjè FC, champion en titre du Bénin et Al Ahli SC de Tripoli (Libye) se sont neutralisés ce vendredi 19 septembre 2025, par un score nul et vierge de zéro but partout lors du match aller du premier tour préliminaire de la Ligue des Champions de la Confédération africaine de football.

Belle entame pour Dadjè FC, qui tient en échec Al Ahli SC de Tripoli en match aller du premier tour préliminaire de la Ligue des Champions de la CAF. Au stade de Kégué à Lomé ce vendredi 19 septembre 2025, les deux équipes se sont séparées dos à dos sur un score nul et vierge de zéro but partout. Le club d'Aplahoué a affiché au cours de la rencontre, une solidité défensive remarquable qui a permis d'enrayer les velléités de l'équipe adverse. Toutefois, quelques assauts des Béninois sur le camp de Al Ahli SC de Tripoli aurait pu faire mouche, mais faute d'efficacité, les joueurs béninois sont passé à côté des but libyens.
Le match retour est prévu pour le 28 septembre prochain à Tripoli à 19h, heure de Cotonou. Une victoire permettra à l'équipe de Dadjè FC de passer au second tour de cette compétition.

F. A. A.

Informés du cambriolage d'un domicile à Togba, dans la commune d'Abomey-Calavi, la Police républicaine a ouvert une enquête qui a conduit à l'interpellation de deux suspects ; l'un à Dodja, arrondissement de Togba, et le second à Glo-Djibé.

Deux présumés cambrioleurs arrêtés à Togba, dans la commune d'Abomey-Calavi. Les mis en cause selon la Police, ont été interpellés ce jeudi 18 septembre 2025. Lors de leur transfert au poste, malgré la paire de menottes qui les maintenait, ils ont tenté de fuir. Mais leur tentative de fuite a été aussitôt enrayée par les hommes en uniforme.
Dans ses investigations, la Police a pu localiser la maison cambriolée à Koinvié, arrondissement de Togba. Une équipe du commissariat de Togba appuyée par les éléments du commissariat de Ouèdo s'est transportée sur les lieux pour les constater les faits. La victime absente sur les lieux, et ignorant de ce que son domicile a été cambriolé, est invitée à se présenter à la Police. « A son arrivée, elle a constaté que sa porte a été défoncée en son absence et tous ses effets ont été emportés de même qu'une convention de vente de la parcelle », renseigne la Police à travers une publication sur ses canaux digitaux.
L'enquête ouverte se poursuit aux fins de retrouver les éventuels complices et receleurs.

F. A. A.

La Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie du Bénin (CCI Bénin) a organisé, vendredi 19 septembre 2025 à Cotonou, une « Journée pays Afrique du Sud », placée sous le signe des opportunités d'affaires et de la coopération économique.

La « Journée pays Afrique du Sud » est une « occasion de renforcer la coopération économique et de bâtir des partenariats durables », a fait savoir Joëlle VIDEHOUENOU, chargée de mission du Secrétaire Général de la Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie du Bénin (CCI Bénin). Ces rencontres qui se dérouleront au cours de l'année 2025 visent à « faire découvrir aux opérateurs économiques béninois davantage d'opportunités d'affaires, avec une attention particulière aux pays africains ».

Linda MASSO, chargé d'affaires à l'Ambassade d'Afrique du Sud, a rappelé que les relations bilatérales sont « florissantes », notamment depuis la création en 2015 de la Commission Mixte de Commerce et de l'Investissement. Il a souligné que lors du Forum d'investissement de mai 2025, « quatre entreprises sud-africaines ont décidé de s'implanter au Bénin » et que « trois mégaprojets sont déjà en cours ».

Pour le diplomate, « l'Afrique du Sud est une économie florissante et une porte d'entrée vers l'Afrique australe ». Dans le cadre d'une présentation sur les opportunités en Afrique du Sud, le chargé d'affaires a mis en avant des infrastructures modernes et un « climat d'investissement favorable ». Il a invité les opérateurs économiques béninois à explorer les secteurs des mines, de l'Energie, Agroalimentaire, l'Elevage, la Cosmétique, Ferroviaire, Pharmaceutique, etc.

Les « mesures incitatives » offertes aux investisseurs ainsi que les Zones économiques spéciales, plus d'une dizaine, ont été présentées aux participants.

Des entrepreneurs béninois réceptifs

Pour Joël Clémence ADOUNGBE, entrepreneure dans la construction, cette journée est « une belle opportunité de découvrir de nouveaux marchés ».

Aurel ZIBO, directeur financier, dit avoir trouvé des pistes concrètes dans l'agriculture, l'agroalimentaire, la cosmétique notamment en la « bourse de Johannesburg ».
M. M.

La Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie du Bénin (CCI Bénin) a tenu, ce vendredi 19 septembre 2025, sa 2ème session ordinaire de l'Assemblée Consulaire, consacrée à l'examen et à l'adoption du budget 2026 de l'institution.

Les élus consulaires ont examiné et adopté le projet de budget de la CCI Bénin pour l'exercice 2026, premier budget de la mandature 2025-2030. « Plus qu'un exercice financier », cette session marque, selon le président Arnauld Akakpo, la mise en œuvre de la « vision stratégique » de la CCI Bénin et l'« acte fondateur de nouvelles dynamiques » pour l'institution consulaire.

Le président de la CCI Bénin s'est réjoui de la présence du représentant de la ministre de l'industrie et du commerce au lancement des travaux. C'est la preuve que le gouvernement est à l'écoute du secteur privé, a-t-il indiqué.

Le projet de budget 2026 s'articule autour de cinq programmes majeurs, couvrant à la fois l'investissement et le fonctionnement institutionnel. Il vise à repositionner la CCI Bénin « comme une institution moderne et efficace ». « Les défis sont nombreux : compétitivité, financement, transformation industrielle, intégration régionale et continentale. Nous devons être audacieux et proposer des solutions concrètes pour nos entreprises », a exhorté Arnauld Akakpo.

Au nom de la ministre Shadiya Alimatou Assouman, son représentant, Is Deen Bouraïma, a insisté sur l'importance du vote. « Cette session n'est pas une simple formalité. Elle constitue un acte fort de gouvernance consulaire qui engage la trajectoire de votre mandature », a-t-il déclaré.

Le représentant du gouvernement a salué « la cohérence entre le budget 2026 et le plan stratégique 2025-2030 », soulignant qu'il s'inscrit dans les priorités nationales de transformation structurelle, de promotion de l'investissement privé et de développement industriel. Il a invité les élus consulaires à « aborder le budget avec lucidité, rigueur et ambition ».

Les travaux de la 2ème session ordinaire de l'Assemblée Consulaire se sont déroulés avec la participation de la ministre de l'industrie et du commerce. Shadiya Alimatou Assouman a fait des amendements au cours de la session. Le projet de budget 2026 a été voté avec l'intégration de ces amendements par 63 élus présents sur 69.

Ce budget s'inscrit dans la poursuite de l'optimisation des recettes et du renforcement opérationnel des missions de la CCI Bénin. Il est équilibré en emplois et ressources, avec un montant d'un peu plus de 6 milliards de FCFA.
M. M.

Du 10 au 15 novembre, le Salon des Industries Musicales d'Afrique Francophone (SIMA) tiendra sa deuxième édition à Cotonou sous le thème « Du potentiel aux preuves : faire rayonner et financer les musiques d'Afrique francophone », rassemblant près de 7 000 participants – artistes, producteurs, managers, labels, bailleurs, médias et mélomanes – contre 5 000 lors de la première édition à Abidjan.

Créé en 2022 par des experts du secteur, le SIMA se veut à la fois un miroir de l'écosystème musical francophone et une plateforme d'affaires où les professionnels peuvent rencontrer partenaires, valoriser leurs offres et approfondir leurs connaissances des logiques commerciales locales et internationales, afin de transformer le potentiel créatif en projets concrets et financés.

Le Bénin a été choisi comme hôte car, depuis 2016, le pays mise sur le tourisme et le segment MICE (Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, Exhibitions) pour positionner Cotonou comme destination d'événements professionnels, ce qui promet des retombées immédiates pour l'hôtellerie, la restauration et les services logistiques tout en ouvrant aux acteurs locaux un réseau international d'investisseurs.

Le soutien du Ministère du Tourisme, de la Culture et des Arts, via l'Agence Bénin Tourisme, assure un cadre organisationnel solide et renforce le soft‑power culturel du pays, un atout stratégique dans une région où les industries créatives favorisent l'intégration.

Le Global Music Report 2025 indique que les revenus musicaux en Afrique subsaharienne ont dépassé les 100 millions de dollars, avec une croissance de 22,6 %, et le SIMA se positionne comme catalyseur capable de mobiliser ces ressources pour une industrie encore sous‑capitalisée.

Vers une professionnalisation durable de la musique

Le programme 2025 s'articule autour d'une résidence artistique les 10‑12 novembre, d'un salon professionnel les 13‑14 et d'un grand concert de clôture le 15, afin de croiser réflexion et création autour du financement, de la propriété intellectuelle, de la data, du marché du live et des modèles d'exportation.

Le programme BOOST, lancé lors de la première édition, propose master‑classes, réseautage intensif et stages pour artistes, managers, producteurs et promoteurs, répondant aux défis d'accès aux ressources et de structuration du secteur tout en favorisant la diversité de genre.

Le salon professionnel offre un espace de rencontres entre labels, bailleurs de fonds, startups et institutions publiques, facilitant la mise en place de modèles de financement durables et d'outils de protection des droits indispensables à la monétisation internationale.

En rassemblant plus de 7 000 acteurs sur six jours, le SIMA crée un écosystème d'échanges où chaque interaction peut déboucher sur des projets concrets, du financement de tournées à la création de catalogues numériques et à la mise en place de réseaux de distribution régionaux.

À moyen terme, le SIMA 2025 pourrait devenir un catalyseur de professionnalisation permanente, en consolidant les liens entre les industries culturelles africaines et les marchés mondiaux. Si les partenaires institutionnels maintiennent leur engagement et que les programmes comme BOOST s'étendent à d'autres pays francophones, l'industrie musicale d'Afrique francophone pourrait enfin disposer d'une infrastructure de soutien capable de convertir son riche capital humain en une dynamique économique durable.

Omar Sylla
X : @Le_Ndar_Ndar

Die im DIW Berlin angesiedelte forschungsbasierte Infrastruktureinrichtung Sozio-oekonomisches Panel (SOEP) sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt eine studentische Hilfskraft (w/m/div) für 12 Wochenstunden.

Die am DIW Berlin angesiedelte forschungsbasierte Infrastruktureinrichtung Sozio-oekonomisches Panel (SOEP) ist eine der größten und am längsten laufenden multidisziplinären Panelstudien weltweit, für die derzeit jährlich etwa 30.000 Menschen in knapp 15.000 Haushalten befragt werden. Das SOEP hat den Anspruch den gesellschaftlichen Wandel zu erfassen und steht immer neuen vielfältigen Themen- und Aufgabenfeldern gegenüber.

Ihre Aufgabe ist die Mitwirkung bei der Fragebogentestung, Datenaufbereitung und -prüfung sowie Berichtslegung und wissenschaftliche Recherche. Dabei lernen Sie das reichhaltige Angebot der SOEP-Daten in seiner ganzen Breite kennen und gewinnen Einblicke in die Arbeit mit empirischen Daten.

Amidst different global food insecurity challenges, like the COVID-19 pandemic and economic turmoil, this article investigates the potential of machine learning (ML) to enhance food insecurity forecasting. So far, only few existing studies have used pre-shock training data to predict food insecurity and if they did, they have neither done this at the household-level nor systematically tested the performance and robustness of ML algorithms during the shock phase. To address this research gap, we use pre-COVID trained models to predict household-level food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic in Uganda and propose a new approach to evaluate the performance and robustness of ML models. The objective of this study is therefore to find high-performance and robust ML algorithms during a shock period, which is both methodologically innovative and practically relevant for food insecurity research. First, we find that ML can work well in a shock context when only pre-shock food security data are available. We can identify 80% of food-insecure households during the COVID-19 pandemic based on pre-shock trained models at the cost of falsely classifying around 40% of food-secure households as food insecure. Second, we show that the extreme gradient boosting algorithm, trained by balanced weighting, works best in terms of prediction quality. We also identify the most important predictors and find that demographic and asset features play a crucial role in predicting food insecurity. Last but not least, we also make a contribution by showing how different ML models should be evaluated in terms of their area under curve (AUC) value, the ability of the model to correctly classify positive and negative cases, and in terms of the change in AUC in different situations.

Amidst different global food insecurity challenges, like the COVID-19 pandemic and economic turmoil, this article investigates the potential of machine learning (ML) to enhance food insecurity forecasting. So far, only few existing studies have used pre-shock training data to predict food insecurity and if they did, they have neither done this at the household-level nor systematically tested the performance and robustness of ML algorithms during the shock phase. To address this research gap, we use pre-COVID trained models to predict household-level food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic in Uganda and propose a new approach to evaluate the performance and robustness of ML models. The objective of this study is therefore to find high-performance and robust ML algorithms during a shock period, which is both methodologically innovative and practically relevant for food insecurity research. First, we find that ML can work well in a shock context when only pre-shock food security data are available. We can identify 80% of food-insecure households during the COVID-19 pandemic based on pre-shock trained models at the cost of falsely classifying around 40% of food-secure households as food insecure. Second, we show that the extreme gradient boosting algorithm, trained by balanced weighting, works best in terms of prediction quality. We also identify the most important predictors and find that demographic and asset features play a crucial role in predicting food insecurity. Last but not least, we also make a contribution by showing how different ML models should be evaluated in terms of their area under curve (AUC) value, the ability of the model to correctly classify positive and negative cases, and in terms of the change in AUC in different situations.

Amidst different global food insecurity challenges, like the COVID-19 pandemic and economic turmoil, this article investigates the potential of machine learning (ML) to enhance food insecurity forecasting. So far, only few existing studies have used pre-shock training data to predict food insecurity and if they did, they have neither done this at the household-level nor systematically tested the performance and robustness of ML algorithms during the shock phase. To address this research gap, we use pre-COVID trained models to predict household-level food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic in Uganda and propose a new approach to evaluate the performance and robustness of ML models. The objective of this study is therefore to find high-performance and robust ML algorithms during a shock period, which is both methodologically innovative and practically relevant for food insecurity research. First, we find that ML can work well in a shock context when only pre-shock food security data are available. We can identify 80% of food-insecure households during the COVID-19 pandemic based on pre-shock trained models at the cost of falsely classifying around 40% of food-secure households as food insecure. Second, we show that the extreme gradient boosting algorithm, trained by balanced weighting, works best in terms of prediction quality. We also identify the most important predictors and find that demographic and asset features play a crucial role in predicting food insecurity. Last but not least, we also make a contribution by showing how different ML models should be evaluated in terms of their area under curve (AUC) value, the ability of the model to correctly classify positive and negative cases, and in terms of the change in AUC in different situations.

Die Bundeswirtschaftsministerin hat das lange erwartet Energiewende-Monitoring vorgelegt. Steht die Energiewende am Scheideweg – und braucht sie eine Neuausrichtung? Das besprechen wir ausführlich mit Prof. Dr. Andreas Löschel, der selbst eine Art Chef-Monitorer der Energiewende ist. Wo steht die ...

ELIAMEP and the Institute of Global Affairs of The American College of Greece (ACG) organised the 5th Summer Academy titled “Leadership Beyond Boundaries: Empowering the Next Generation of Mediterranean Leaders”, which took place at the premises of the International Olympic Academy from Monday, July 14 2025, to Saturday, July 19 2025. In total, the 5th ELIAMEP-ACG Summer Academy brought together 29 participants (emerging leaders from various fields) and 21 distinguished speakers from 19 countries across the Mediterranean, Europe, and Asia, to discuss critical issues concerning the Mediterranean. The Summer Academy included lectures, discussions as well as trainings in negotiations and public speaking & media. The report of the 5th Summer Academy is available here. The agenda and the list of speakers and staff members who contributed to the 5th Summer Academy are available here.

Emmanuella Doussis, Professor, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens; Head of the Climate and Sustainability Programme and Senior Policy Advisor, ELIAMEP

Guterres’ recent report and speech to the General Assembly present clean energy as a reality, and one which must not and cannot be held back. It is already creating growth, jobs and energy security, and billions of dollars are being channelled into the green transition. Renewable energy sources are now more cost-effective than fossil fuels, and new renewable energy capacity is outstripping conventional fuels on every continent. However, progress is not fast enough and, still more crucially, not fair enough. Africa and developing countries receive only a small share of the global funding, while fossil fuel subsidies continue.

The General Assembly can serve as a key forum for cooperation, even amidst geopolitical antagonisms, as environmental and climate issues are, and must increasingly be, perceived as peace and security issues. Multilateral alliances (G77, LDCs, AOSIS), as well as regional blocs like the EU, often play an active role in helping build majorities, making concerted demands, and putting pressure on major powers that often act unilaterally (e.g. China, the US, Russia), as well as on other polluting states. The General Assembly’s unanimous decision to consult the International Court of Justice on states’ obligations with regard to climate change has recently led to a landmark opinion relating to the international law governing the response to the phenomenon. Although non-binding, the opinion could shape practice and open the way for appeals, in particular from the countries most affected by climate change. So, while the General Assembly does not produce legally-binding texts directly, its actions can produce important results indirectly. Which is to say the General Assembly can keep the debate around the green transition in the spotlight and act as a catalyst for multilateral cooperation, especially in areas where convergences and potential partnerships (should) transcend geopolitical divisions.

Maria Gavouneli, Professor, National & Kapodistrian University of Athens; Member of the Board, ELIAMEP

There is a short answer: none at all! The General Assembly has always been a forum for big words and little action. Over the decades, we have had a series of declarations and statements that rarely translate into binding obligations for UN member states, and then only after their content has been transposed in treaties or monitoring and accountability mechanisms as a result of difficult and often lengthy negotiations. Lately, even texts that formerly would have been adopted by consensus have been subject to complicated and lengthy voting processes.
The longer answer is, of course, different and more involved. It is on the sidelines of the General Assembly, in the UN’s corridors of power, that the big issues are discussed and often decided. While world leaders read their prepared monologues in turn, it is the organized meetings in smaller chambers—and ad hoc huddles—that can make the difference. This is especially true in times like the present, when simply setting-up a session is problematic, even before one considers the agenda and items ranging from the Middle East ceasefire and the peace plan in Ukraine to energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean and the resolution of bilateral disputes between Greece and Turkey. Truth be told, this has always been where the General Assembly, and the UN in general, has made its most important contributions.

Mihalis Kritikos, Adjunct Professor, School of Governance, University of Brussels; Senior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP

The UN is back: the example of artificial intelligence

Amidst a frantic and ever-escalating geopolitical rivalry in the sphere of technology, artificial intelligence is redefining the dynamics of global power while its governance has become the subject of hundreds of separate initiatives. Given this somewhat fragmented landscape, the recent decision by the UN General Assembly to create two new mechanisms to promote international cooperation in AI governance—the UN Independent International Scientific Panel on AI and the Global Dialogue on AI Governance—is especially important. There are three reasons for this:

First, because the UN is setting out to create a global platform for dialogue that will give developing countries an equal voice in shaping the future of AI, while aligning the discourse with the ambitions of the Global South. Second, because the resolution seeks to put in place a framework based on a human-centred approach to AI that promotes the transparency and social utility of the technology. And third, because it sends a powerful signal to the world that the UN remains capable of achieving convergence and laying the foundations for a common framework to address the challenges of a rapidly evolving technological landscape.

If the scientific independence of the committee and the multilateralism of the global dialogue are safeguarded, then the future global governance of this influential technology will be in safe hands.

Panayotis Tsakonas, Professor, National & Kapodistrian University of Athens; Head, Foreign Policy & Security Programme, ELIAMEP

The retreat of multilateralism, the systematic erosion and/or removal of international norms/rules, and the ascendancy of the logic of power in inter-state relations that followed Trump’s election and have largely been imposed by the United States is expected to detract markedly from the Great Powers’ ability to cooperate in a meaningful and effective way at the upcoming 85th General Assembly of the United Nations. There, the United States (the strongest but least legitimate part of a divided—if not fragmented—West), an ever-stronger China, which is already working towards building an enlarged anti-Western coalition, the dynamically “anti-Western” Russia, and India, the most populous nation in the world, are expected to reaffirm their positions and roles in the new and continually evolving “post-Western” world.

In this world, however, several “non-aligned” countries will, for reasons of pragmatism and self-interest, may choose not to place themselves under the “protection” or control of the US, China or Russia. These non-aligned nations, which include most of the almost forty that did not condemn Russia’s invasion at the UN General Assembly in March 2022 and February 2023, not only do not form a distinct bloc (a “Global South”), they are often in conflict with one another.

The scope for cooperation between the Great Powers within the framework of the UN General Assembly will therefore be curtailed, with the few areas of potential cooperation limited to “global goods” such as the climate, health and/or development, and global security problems such as international terrorism, organized crime, unregulated AI development, and the uncontrolled militarization of space. The Great Powers may find themselves cooperating on these issues, either because they recognize the cost of non-cooperation, or because their interests largely converge. Moreover, the prospect of China, Russia, India, and a number of other medium- and small-sized states forging alliances in one or more of these domains cannot be discounted. Formed under an “anti-Western banner” at the forthcoming UN General Assembly, they may seek to create and promote new international principles and norms.

Dimitris Tsarouhas, Adjunct Professor at Georgetown University; Non-Resident Senior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP

To mark the UN’s annual assembly, the organization released a shocking report that accurately describes the state of the international community 80 years on from its founding. In 2024, military spending soared to 2.7 trillion dollars, an amount more than 13 times higher (!) than the official development aid provided by wealthy nations, and 750 times the UN’s regular budget.

Many member states are either actively engaged in, or preparing for, military conflict. The window for saving the UN mission is closing, even though its good offices are needed now more than at any other time since the end of the Cold War.