Europäische Union

Im Mittelpunkt des aktuellen Konflikts steht die Frage, wer bei der Entwicklung des Kampfjets FCAS die Führungsrolle übernehmen soll.

Trotz ihres Optimismus klagen neun von zehn chinesischen Firmen darüber, dass die EU-Strategie zur Risikominderung gegenüber Peking ihren Geschäften geschadet hat.

Alors que les produits menstruels restent coûteux et que les tabous perdurent, la « précarité menstruelle » touche des millions de femmes en Europe. Des Balkans à la France, beaucoup peinent encore à vivre leurs règles dignement, faute de moyens, d'information ou de soutien public. Enquête sur une inégalité silencieuse.

- Articles / Gratuit, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Kosovo, Serbie, Courrier des Balkans, BIRN, Société, Santé

Die EU-Kommission stellt mit dem „Democracy Shield“ ein neues Instrument gegen hybride Angriffe und Desinformation aus dem Ausland vor.

REPORT on the implementation of the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Committee on International Trade
Nina Carberry, Thijs Reuten

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Die Europäische Union hat im Herbst bei mehreren sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitischen Projekten Fortschritte erzielt, neue Initiativen vorgestellt und Finanzmittel freigegeben.

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

Le ministère de l’Éducation nationale a rendu public le calendrier des examens trimestriels pour les trois cycles d’enseignement (Primaire, Moyen, Secondaire) au titre de l’année […]

L’article Éducation : Le ministère dévoile le calendrier officiel des examens trimestriels 2025/2026 est apparu en premier sur .

In einer kaum verhüllten Kritik prangerte der Präsident des Europäischen Gerichtshofs die Entstehung einer „Oligarchie“ in Ungarn.

Wednesday 12 November

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

Willkommen bei Rapporteur! Jeden Tag liefern wir Ihnen die wichtigsten Nachrichten und Hintergründe aus der EU- und Europapolitik. Das Wichtigste: Europaparlament: Abstimmung über Unternehmens-Sorgfaltspflicht könnte erstes konkretes Bündnis zwischen Konservativen und Rechtsaußen markieren Ungarn: EU-Chefjurist kritisiert Viktor Orbán – EU-Gelder dürften nicht der Bereicherung einer herrschenden Elite dienen EU-Haushalt: Kurzer Aufstand der Abgeordneten verpufft – […]

Europe’s electrification strategy stands at a crossroads. Without addressing the fragmented rollout of EV infrastructure, uneven incentives, and gaps in affordability, the EU risks missing its 2035 target —and weakening its industrial base just when it needs unity most.

Several European countries have seen an increase in attacks against immigrants in tandem with rising hate speech across the continent

Main agenda items, approximate timing, public sessions and press opportunities.

Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2025/2211 of 27 October 2025 concerning restrictive measures against the leadership of the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.

Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the alignment of certain third countries with Council Decision (CFSP) 2025/2207 of 27 October  2025 amending Decision (CFSP) 2016/1693 concerning restrictive measures against ISIL (Da’esh) and Al-Qaeda and persons, groups, undertakings and entities associated with them.

The Road to Belém is laid with layers of ambitious actions and outcomes including a plan to mobilize at least USD 1.3 trillion annually in climate finance for developing countries by 2035.

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Belém—30th Conference of the Parties (COP30). Credit: Antônio Scorza/COP30

By Erik Solheim
OSLO, Norway, Nov 11 2025 (IPS)

When world leaders now gather in Belém, Brazil for the UN climate conference, expectations will be modest. Few believe the meeting will produce any breakthroughs. The United States is retreating from climate engagement. Europe is distracted. The UN is struggling to keep relevant in the 21st century.

But step outside the negotiation tents, and a different story unfolds—one of quiet revolutions, technological leaps, and a new geography of leadership. The green transformation of the world is no longer being designed in Western capitals. It is being built, at scale, in the Global South.

Ten years ago, anyone seeking inspiration on climate policy went to Brussels, Berlin or Paris. Today, you go to Beijing, Delhi or Jakarta. The center of gravity has shifted. China and India are now the twin engines of the global green economy, with Brazil, Vietnam and Indonesia closely behind.

Erik Solheim

This is not about rhetoric; it is about results. China accounts for roughly 60 percent of global capacity in solar, wind, and hydropower manufacturing. It dominates in electric vehicles, batteries, and high-speed rail. China’s 93 GW installation of solar in May 2025 is a historic high and exceeds the monthly or short‐term installation levels of any other country to date.

China has made the green transition its biggest business opportunity, turning green action into jobs, prosperity and global leadership. China is now making more money from exporting green technology than America makes from exporting fossil fuels.

India, too, is reshaping what green development looks like. I was in Andhra Pradesh last month, when I visited a wonderful six-gigawatt integrated energy park—solar, wind, and pumped storage. It delivers round-the-clock clean power. There is nothing like that in the West. In another state, Tamil Nadu, an ecotourism circuit is protecting mangroves and marine ecosystems while creating local jobs in tourism. The western state of Gujarat, long a laboratory for industrial innovation, has committed to 100 gigawatts of renewables by 2030, with the captains of Indian business – Adani and Reliance – driving large-scale solar and wind investments with the state government.

These are not pilot projects. They are national strategies. And they are succeeding because the economics have flipped.

The cost of solar power has fallen by over 90 percent in the last decade, largely thanks to the intense competition between Chinese solar companies. Battery storage is now competitive with fossil fuels. What was once an environmental aspiration has become a financial inevitability. In Indian Gujarat, solar-plus-storage projects are already cheaper than coal. Switching to clean energy is no longer a cost—it is a saving.

That is why climate action today is driven not by diplomacy, but by economics. The question is no longer if countries will go green, but who will own the technologies and industries that make it possible.

Europe, long the moral voice of the climate agenda, now risks losing the industrial race. After years of blocking imports from developing countries on grounds of “inferior” green quality, it now complains that Chinese electric vehicles are too good— too cheap and too efficient. Europe cannot have it both ways. The world cannot build a green transition behind protectionist walls. The markets must open to the best technologies, wherever they are made.

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil understands this new reality. That is why he chose Belém, deep in the Amazon, as the site for climate talks. The location itself is a statement: the future of climate policy lies in protecting the rainforests and empowering the people who live within them.

Forests are not just carbon sinks; they are living economies. When I was Norway’s environment minister, we partnered with Brazil and Indonesia to reward them for reducing deforestation. Later, Guyana joined our effort—a small South American nation where nearly the entire population is of Indian or African origin.

Guyana has since turned conservation into currency. Under its jurisdictional REDD+ programme, the country now sells verified carbon credits through the global aviation market known as CORSIA. In the third quarter of this year, these credits traded at USD 22.55 per tonne of CO₂ equivalent, with around one million credits sold through a procurement event led by IATA and Mercuria.

The proceeds go directly to forest communities—building schools, improving digital access, and funding small enterprises. It is proof that the carbon market can deliver real value when tied to real lives. You cannot protect nature against the will of local people. You can only protect it with them. Last year in Guyana, I watched children play soccer and cricket beneath the jungle canopy—a glimpse of life thriving in harmony with the forest, not at its expense.

That, ultimately, is what Belém should represent: not another round of procedural debates, but a vision for linking markets, nature and livelihoods.

The Global South has also sidestepped one of the West’s greatest political failures: climate denial. In India, there is no major political party—or public figure, cricket star or Bollywood artist—questioning the reality of climate change. Leaders may differ on ideology, but not on this. Across Asia, from China to Indonesia, climate action unites rather than divides. Because here, ecology and economy move together.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India puts it simply: by going green, we also go prosperous. President Xi Jinping of China and President Lula of Brazil share that same message—a vision that draws people in, instead of lecturing them. It is this integration of growth and sustainability that explains why the Global South is moving faster than most of the developed world.

None of this means diplomacy is irrelevant. The UN still matters. But its institutions must evolve to reflect the realities of the 21st century. The Security Council, frozen in 1945, still excludes India and Africa from permanent membership. Without reform, multilateralism risks losing its meaning.

Yet, while negotiations stall, transformation continues. From solar parks in Gujarat to high-speed rail across China, from mangrove tourism in Tamil Nadu to carbon markets in Guyana—climate leadership is happening in real economies, not in press releases.

Belém will not deliver a grand agreement. But it doesn’t need to. The world is already moving—faster than our diplomats.

The story of Belem will not be written in communiqués, but in kilowatts, credits, and communities.

The real climate leaders are no longer in Washington or Brussels.

They are in Beijing, Delhi, São Paulo, and Georgetown.

The future of climate action is already here.

It just speaks with a southern accent.

The author is the former Executive Director of the United Nations Environment Programme and Norway’s Minister for Environment and International Development.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

As climate leaders gather in the Amazon, the world’s green transformation is speaking with a southern accent—powered by markets, technology, and a new economic logic.