La présidente de la Commission européenne a déclaré mardi 30 septembre que l’Ukraine allait bientôt recevoir 2 milliards d’euros pour l’achat de drones, sans toutefois préciser d’où proviendrait cet argent.
The post Ursula von der Leyen annonce que l’Ukraine recevra bientôt 2 milliards d’euros pour l’achat de drones appeared first on Euractiv FR.
Le Bénin a signé des accords d'exemption de visa avec six pays et établi des relations avec Trinité-et-Tobago, et Palaos. Ces accords ont été conclus en marge de la 80è session des Nations Unies tenue du 9 au 23 septembre 2025 à New-York.
En marge de la 80è session des Nations unies tenue du 9 au 23 septembre 2025 à New-York, le Bénin a conclu un accord aérien avec le Luxembourg et des accords d'exemption de visa avec six autres pays.
Les exemptions de visa ont été signés avec les Émirats arabes unis, le Kenya, le Tchad, Antigua-et-Barbuda, les Îles Marshall et les États fédérés de Micronésie.
Avec les Emirats Arabes Unis par exemple, l'accord d'exemption mutuelle de visa concerne les détenteurs de passeport diplomatique et de service.
Des relations diplomatiques officielles ont été également établies avec la Trinité-et-Tobago ainsi qu'avec Palaos.
La délégation béninoise a été conduite par le ministre des Affaires étrangères Olushegun Adjadi Bakari. Le chef de la diplomatie béninoise s'est entretenu avec ses homologues de l'Azerbaïdjan, du Venezuela, des Maldives, du Burundi et de la Mauritanie.
M. M.
Le Centre National d'Investigations Numériques (CNIN) met en garde les utilisateurs contre la plateforme frauduleuse ‘'Pépite''.
L'application ‘' Pépite'' présente un danger potentiel pour les utilisateurs. Elle ne doit pas être téléchargée.
Les utilisateurs sont appelés à faire preuve de vigilance et s'abstenir de partager les liens relatifs à la plateforme, met en garde le Centre National d'Investigations Numériques (CNIN) dans une publication en date du 29 septembre.
Le CNIN rappelle que les citoyens qui font la promotion de la plateforme ‘'Pépite'' répondront de leur agissement devant la justice.
M. M.
Le ralentissement de l’économie chinoise est une source d’inquiétude bien plus importante pour les entreprises européennes que les retombées de la guerre commerciale lancée par Donald Trump, selon secrétaire général de la Chambre de commerce de l’UE en Chine.
The post Le ralentissement de l’économie chinoise inquiète davantage les entreprises européennes que la guerre commerciale de Donald Trump appeared first on Euractiv FR.
Reaching a healthy diet requires USD 5.16 PPP per day, an amount out of reach for 182 million people in the region. Credit: Max Valencia / FAO
By Máximo Torero
Sep 30 2025 (IPS)
Just a few years ago, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, millions of families in Latin America and the Caribbean did not know whether they would have enough food for the next day. The shutdown of economies, massive job losses, and the sharp rise in prices pushed food insecurity to levels not seen in decades.
And yet, the region surprised the world: between 2020 and 2024, the prevalence of moderate or severe food insecurity fell from 33.7% to 25.2%, the largest reduction recorded globally. It was a remarkable achievement, made in a global context marked by overlapping crises.
However, behind this progress lies a silent enemy that does not appear in harvest photos or market openings yet erodes the purchasing power of millions of households every day: food inflation. This is not just a temporary rise in prices, but a persistent trend that threatens to reverse hard-won progress and deepen inequalities.
Latin America and the Caribbean have shown that, with sound policies and political will, it is possible to reduce hunger even in an adverse global context. But food inflation reminds us that progress is fragile, and structural vulnerabilities can erode it quickly
During 2022 and 2023, food prices systematically rose faster than general inflation across the region. South America recorded a peak of 20.8% in April 2022, Central America 19.2% in August, and the Caribbean 15.3% in December.
In January 2023, the regional food price index rose to 13.6% year-over-year, compared to an overall inflation rate of 8.5%. This gap hits hardest the poorest households, where a large share of income is spent on food.
The adjustment of labor incomes to this increase has been uneven. In Mexico, wages followed a trend similar to food prices, partially protecting purchasing power. But in most countries, real incomes contracted, reducing families’ ability to access sufficient and nutritious diets. This is not merely a short-term issue: it reflects structural weaknesses that amplify the impact of any external shock—whether economic, climatic, or geopolitical.
Although the post-pandemic expansionary policies, the war in Ukraine, rising fertilizer costs, disrupted trade routes, and extreme climate events created a “perfect storm” for food security, the problem runs deeper.
The region has been experiencing low economic growth, high dependence on commodity exports, and limited productive diversification. Added to this, there is a worrying decline in public and private investment in agriculture over the past two decades, weakening the sector’s productivity and resilience.
The SOFI 2025 warns that a 10% increase in food prices can lead to a 3.5% rise in moderate or severe food insecurity, a 4% increase in the case of women, and a 5% increase in the prevalence of acute malnutrition among children under five. In other words, food inflation is not just an economic issue: it has direct effects on the health, well-being, and future of millions of people.
On top of this is the high cost of a healthy diet. In 2024, more than 2.6 billion people worldwide could not afford it. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this diet costs 9% more than the global average, and in the Caribbean, 23% more.
In absolute terms, reaching a healthy diet requires USD 5.16 PPP per day, an amount out of reach for 182 million people in the region. This means that even in countries with low hunger prevalence, access to nutritious food remains a luxury for a large share of the population.
In light of this scenario, the SOFI 2025 outlines a roadmap to safeguard achievements and build resilience. First, strengthen social protection systems to cushion the impact of prices on the most vulnerable. Cash transfers, targeted subsidies, and school feeding programs can serve as effective shields if well-designed and delivered on time.
Second, transform and diversify agrifood systems to reduce dependence on a narrow set of commodities and strengthen local production of nutritious foods. This requires investments in logistics, storage, and transport infrastructure to reduce costs borne by final consumers.
Third, maintain open, predictable, and rules-based international trade. Trade restrictions exacerbate volatility and make food even more expensive, so they must be avoided, especially in times of crisis.
Fourth, strengthen market information and monitoring systems to anticipate inflationary pressures and enable rapid, evidence-based responses.
And fifth, promote climate resilience and macroeconomic stability through sustainable farming practices, expanded access to agricultural insurance, and effective risk management, alongside responsible fiscal and monetary policies.
Latin America and the Caribbean have shown that, with sound policies and political will, it is possible to reduce hunger even in an adverse global context. But food inflation reminds us that progress is fragile, and structural vulnerabilities can erode it quickly.
The region has the experience, capacity, and productive potential; what is needed now is strategic investment, regional coordination, and renewed commitment so that the right to adequate food ceases to be an unfulfilled goal and becomes a tangible reality for all.
Excerpt:
Máximo Torero Cullen is Chief Economist of FAO and Regional Representative ad interim for Latin America and the CaribbeanAz Egyesült Államokban 1925. március 25-én kezdte meg működését egy repülőgépes növényvédelemmel foglalkozó vállalkozás, hogy azután átnyergeljen a belföldi utasszállításra, majd később Delta Airlines néven a légiközlekedés globális szereplőjévé nője ki magát. Jól csengő nevét a Mississippi deltájáról kapta, arról a vidékről, ahol a története elkezdődött.
Kalandos kezdet a gyapotföldek felett
A Delta története a múlt század húszas éveinek elején indult az amerikai délen, ahol a pamutipar fontos gazdasági tényező volt. Ezt az iparágat veszélyeztette a pamut alapanyagát fenyegető gyapottokmányos bogár, amely komplett gyapotföldeket volt képes elpusztítani. Azt, hogy a kártevők elleni küzdelemhez repülőgépet kellene használni, először a hadsereg hadnagya, John Macready próbálta ki 1921-ben, az ohiói Daytonban. A következő, immár célzott kísérleteket az Egyesült Államok mezőgazdasági minisztériumának megbízásából Bert R. Coad kezdeményezte azzal, hogy 1922-ben a hadseregtől kölcsönkért gépekkel és pilótákkal gyapotföldeket permeteztetett Louisiana államban. A bíztató eredmények alapján Coad egy New York állambeli repülőgépgyártóhoz, a Huff, Daland & Companyhoz fordult, hogy építsenek egy kifejezetten légi növényvédelemre szolgáló repülőgépet. A Huff-Daland Duster elnevezésű típus 1924 júliusában emelkedett először levegőbe a hadseregtől a mezőgazdasági minisztériumhoz vezényelt Harold Harrissal a pilótaülésben. A három elkészült példánnyal a gyártó cég, a mezőgazdasági minisztérium valamint a georgiai állami mezőgazdasági főiskola közös szervezésében, még azon a nyáron megtartották az első nyilvános bemutatót. Nem eredménytelenül, mert szeptemberben az Egyesült Államok mezőgazdaságának történetében először szállt fel egy repülőgép kereskedelmi célú légi növényvédelemre. Az eseményre a Mississippi állambeli Heathmanban került sor, ahol egy Huff-Daland Duster 720 hektárt permetezett le. A georgiai mezőgazdasági főiskola novemberben egy újabb találkozót szervezett, amelyen a Huff, Daland & Company képviselőin kívül mezőgazdasági ügynökök és helyi farmerek is részt vettek.
Huff-Daland Duster
The housing problem in Europe is linked to the trajectory from post-war de-commodification to the recent re-commodification and financialization of housing, which has made it increasingly unaffordable for the economically vulnerable. The European Union has launched numerous and diverse initiatives for affordable housing, which may have a significant impact despite their subsidiary role and the challenges they face.
In Greece, the housing question has followed a different path from that of the major countries of Western and Northern Europe. The post-war trajectory began with protective conditions for small market actors and, indirectly, for the wider public. These conditions gradually weakened, along with the housing systems they had supported (self-building and antiparochi), and were replaced by a major shift toward the market—most notably the entry of commercial banks into mortgage lending. Subsequently, the fiscal crisis, the gradual exit from it, the expansion of tourism, the influx of corporate and foreign capital into real estate, and the growth of short-term rentals created increasingly problematic conditions for those in need of affordable housing, particularly rental housing.
Measures introduced so far to address the housing crisis have been inadequate and ineffective, while the issue has now taken a central place in social and political debate in Greece for the first time.
Read here (in Greek) the policy paper by Thomas Maloutas, Researcher Emeritus, National Centre for Social Research (NCSR); Professor Emeritus of Geography, Harokopio University and Dimitra Siatitsa, PhD in Urban Planning, Postdoctoral Researcher National Technical University of Athens/National Centre for Social Research (NCSR).