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Le gouvernement suisse souhaiterait conclure un partenariat de sécurité et de défense avec l’UE, a-t-il annoncé, affirmant que cela n’irait pas à l’encontre de sa neutralité.

The post Le gouvernement suisse veut un partenariat de sécurité et de défense avec l’UE appeared first on Euractiv FR.

This research examines the impact of codes of conduct imposed by international lead firms on subcontractors in Morocco’s textile and apparel sector. Based on a qualitative study conducted in the two main industrial hubs (Tangier and Casablanca), it explores the diffusion of corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards along the supply chain, their role in enhancing subcontractor capabilities, and their influence on inter-level relationships within the chain. The study highlights cross-cutting factors that place subcontractors in conditions that are not conducive to the effective implementation of CSR standards. It also shows that procedural audits associated with the enforcement of codes of conduct promote the spread of coercive isomorphism and foster a culture focused on strict compliance with formal rules. Furthermore, the research identifies two distinct profiles of subcontractors based on how they respond to institutional pressures to adopt these codes: those with minimal compliance, often engaging in rule-bypassing practices, and those adopting a proactive approach to internalising the standards. The study also uncovers factors explaining these divergent attitudes. Among the firms with a proactive stance, initiatives aimed at strengthening the capacities of their subcontractors are emerging. However, relationships with downstream actors in the supply chain remain characterised by a climate of mistrust, which limits the overall impact of these efforts. 

Nadia Benabdeljlil is a Professor of Management Sciences at the Mohammadia School of Engineers, Mohammed V University in Rabat.
Lamia Kerzazi is a Professor of Management Sciences at the Mohammadia School of Engineers, Mohammed V University in Rabat.
 

This research examines the impact of codes of conduct imposed by international lead firms on subcontractors in Morocco’s textile and apparel sector. Based on a qualitative study conducted in the two main industrial hubs (Tangier and Casablanca), it explores the diffusion of corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards along the supply chain, their role in enhancing subcontractor capabilities, and their influence on inter-level relationships within the chain. The study highlights cross-cutting factors that place subcontractors in conditions that are not conducive to the effective implementation of CSR standards. It also shows that procedural audits associated with the enforcement of codes of conduct promote the spread of coercive isomorphism and foster a culture focused on strict compliance with formal rules. Furthermore, the research identifies two distinct profiles of subcontractors based on how they respond to institutional pressures to adopt these codes: those with minimal compliance, often engaging in rule-bypassing practices, and those adopting a proactive approach to internalising the standards. The study also uncovers factors explaining these divergent attitudes. Among the firms with a proactive stance, initiatives aimed at strengthening the capacities of their subcontractors are emerging. However, relationships with downstream actors in the supply chain remain characterised by a climate of mistrust, which limits the overall impact of these efforts. 

Nadia Benabdeljlil is a Professor of Management Sciences at the Mohammadia School of Engineers, Mohammed V University in Rabat.
Lamia Kerzazi is a Professor of Management Sciences at the Mohammadia School of Engineers, Mohammed V University in Rabat.
 

This research examines the impact of codes of conduct imposed by international lead firms on subcontractors in Morocco’s textile and apparel sector. Based on a qualitative study conducted in the two main industrial hubs (Tangier and Casablanca), it explores the diffusion of corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards along the supply chain, their role in enhancing subcontractor capabilities, and their influence on inter-level relationships within the chain. The study highlights cross-cutting factors that place subcontractors in conditions that are not conducive to the effective implementation of CSR standards. It also shows that procedural audits associated with the enforcement of codes of conduct promote the spread of coercive isomorphism and foster a culture focused on strict compliance with formal rules. Furthermore, the research identifies two distinct profiles of subcontractors based on how they respond to institutional pressures to adopt these codes: those with minimal compliance, often engaging in rule-bypassing practices, and those adopting a proactive approach to internalising the standards. The study also uncovers factors explaining these divergent attitudes. Among the firms with a proactive stance, initiatives aimed at strengthening the capacities of their subcontractors are emerging. However, relationships with downstream actors in the supply chain remain characterised by a climate of mistrust, which limits the overall impact of these efforts. 

Nadia Benabdeljlil is a Professor of Management Sciences at the Mohammadia School of Engineers, Mohammed V University in Rabat.
Lamia Kerzazi is a Professor of Management Sciences at the Mohammadia School of Engineers, Mohammed V University in Rabat.
 

New state aid rules unveiled on Wednesday could see EU countries allowed to cover the bill for up to a quarter of their heavy industries' power costs.

This video captures highlights from the Global Food Forum 2025, hosted by Farm Europe. A gathering of policymakers, farmers, agri-business leaders, and association representatives to discuss the future of food and farming in Europe.

Written by Katrien Luyten.

The EU’s temporary protection regime has provided predictability and legal certainty to both displaced people from Ukraine and the EU Member States. The situation in Ukraine, as a result of Russia’s ongoing war of aggression, still requires a common European response. The EU has therefore decided to extend temporary protection for a fifth year, until 4 March 2027. Moreover, the European Commission has proposed a coordinated approach to a smooth transition out of temporary protection, when the circumstances allow.

Background

Since Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, over 5.6 million people have been forced to seek refuge, mostly in the EU and its neighbouring countries. Reacting swiftly when the invasion began, the EU decided to grant Union-wide protection to people arriving from Ukraine by triggering – for the first time ever – the Temporary Protection Directive (Directive 2001/55/EC, TPD). The TDP allowed EU Member States swiftly to offer protection and rights to people in urgent need of assistance, while also preventing national asylum systems from becoming overwhelmed during mass arrivals of displaced people. As of April 2025, over 4.26 million displaced people from Ukraine benefit from temporary protection in the EU, of which 27.9 % are in Germany, 23.2 % in Poland and 8.7 % in Czechia. Compared with the population of each EU country, the highest ratios of beneficiaries of temporary protection (BTPs) are seen in Czechia (34.0 per 100 000 inhabitants), Poland (26.9) and Estonia (24.7), while the EU level is 9.5. Since the start of the war, the EU has allocated around €15 billion to support Member States hosting displaced people from Ukraine, and an additional €4 billion are being made available from the EU’s Home Affairs funds.

Temporary protection was initially granted for one year and later extended twice, until March 2025, reaching the duration of three years, as laid down in the TPD. However, given the continued Russian attacks on civil and critical infrastructure across Ukraine, the temporary protection regime for displaced people from Ukraine was extended for another year, until March 2026. This was done on the basis of Article 4(2) TPD, according to which the Council of the EU, acting by qualified majority and on a proposal from the Commission, can extend temporary protection by up to one year where reasons for temporary protection persist. The Commission argued that safe and durable conditions for the return of displaced people to Ukraine were not in place. It referred to the ongoing uncertainty and volatility in Ukraine to show the need to continue protecting BTPs. Despite the emergence of divergent practices and policies owing to different interpretations of the TPD – such as scope and eligibility, reception support, access to rights, freedom of movement in the EU, and how to deal with circular movements to and from Ukraine –implementation of the directive has been assessed positively overall.

Extension of temporary protection until March 2027

With no end in sight to the war in Ukraine and the reasons for temporary protection persisting, the Commission proposed extending temporary protection for a fifth year, until 4 March 2027. According to the Commission, it is still not possible to return to Ukraine in safe and durable conditions. Moreover, further arrivals at scale cannot be excluded, owing to the difficult humanitarian conditions, broader volatility and the uncertainty of the situation in Ukraine. At the same, the risk to the efficient operation of the national asylum systems remains. The EU’s Home Affairs ministers unanimously agreed to the extension on 13 June, pending final adoption of the implementing decision by the Council.

The extension does not change the terms of the March 2022 decision as regards the categories of individuals to whom the temporary protection applies or the rights they enjoy. However, the Commission insisted on the need to ensure balanced responsibility-sharing among Member States, acknowledging that some Member States have been more impacted than others by the need to continue providing protection, particularly in terms of the numbers of BTPs hosted, often combined with large numbers of applicants for international protection or with housing shortages. Referring to the ruling of the Court of Justice of the EU in Case C-753/23 – Krasiliva of 27 February 2025, the new Council implementing decision states that Member States should now reject an application for temporary protection when it is apparent that the person concerned already benefits from temporary protection in another Member State. The extension – again based on Article 4(2) TPD – provides clarity to BTPs and allows Member States to undertake the necessary administrative and legal steps at national level, such as the renewal of BTPs’ residence permits. If there were to be a sustainable ceasefire before March 2027, which would make a safe and durable return of BTPs to Ukraine possible, the Commission could submit a proposal to the Council to bring temporary protection to an end.

Transition out of the temporary protection regime

In parallel with the need for continued protection of displaced people, the Commission seeks to pave the way for a smooth transition out of temporary protection. The idea is to ensure long-term and sustainable solutions for BTPs, take Ukraine’s capacity and reconstruction needs into account, and continue to avoid risks to the Member States’ national asylum systems. Those currently enjoying temporary protection need time to transition to other legal statuses that better represent their actual situation, and those who want to return to Ukraine – when the situation allows – need support. To help BTPs make informed decisions about their future, the Commission has therefore proposed a Council recommendation on a coordinated exit strategy and adopted a communication on a predictable and common European path for the future of the Ukrainians present today in the EU.

The Commission recommends, in particular, that Member States allow BTPs to transition towards national legal residence statuses, particularly those relating to employment, education, research or family reasons, or a long-term resident status where applicable. Moreover, it encourages them to enable BTPs who do not have access to national legal statuses to apply for a legal migration status governed by EU law, if they qualify for it. More specifically, the Commission refers to the EU Blue Card Directive, the Single Permit Directive and the Students and Researchers Directive. Although the proposal for a recommendation does not mention the possibility for BTPs to apply for asylum, the TPD provides for this possibility (Article 17), stating that the general laws on protection and aliens in the Member States apply when temporary protection ends (Article 20).

For those who are eligible and choose to stay in the EU, it is in the interest of both the BTPs and the Member States that inclusion and integration happen in the best way possible, as access to the labour market and to education brings benefits to those who wish to stay and to those who will return to Ukraine. The Commission therefore commits to continued funding and to the establishment of ‘unity hubs’ in the Member States, where BTPs can get information, referrals and advice. A Special Envoy for Ukrainians in the EU – former Home Affairs Commissioner Ylva Johansson – will support the setting-up of the hubs. Further funding and technical assistance, in addition to what has already been provided, will support the reintegration of both those returning home and those who decided to stay in Ukraine. Moreover, the Commission recommends that the Member States prepare for gradual and orderly return and reintegration, as Ukraine needs its people back to rebuild the country. Furthermore, the possibility of exploratory visits to Ukraine should be offered, in order for BTPs to check on their families, homes, or the situation in their communities, before deciding to return. Voluntary return programmes – with a limited and fixed duration of possibly up to one year – should be crafted to help people go back home safely and with dignity, without them ending up in a legal limbo once temporary protection ends. Rather than being individualised benefit packages, these voluntary return programmes should maintain social cohesion in Ukraine and bring benefits to the local community. In addition, options for vulnerable people, such as those undergoing medical treatment, and children who need to complete their education, should be devised. Finally, for all this to work, according to the proposal, it is important to have an accurate picture of the evolving situation.Member States are therefore encouraged to update their temporary protection data regularly and in a timely manner, and to exchange information with the other Member States and the Ukrainian authorities. The proposal still needs to be adopted by the Council; the European Parliament does not have a formal co-decision power for recommendations.

Read this ‘at a glance note’ on ‘Transitioning out of temporary protection for displaced people from Ukraine‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Il y a dix ans, Jessica Allogo travaillait pendant dans l’industrie pétrolière comme ingénieure. Aujourd’hui, elle dirige l’une des entreprises agroalimentaires les plus innovantes du Gabon, spécialisée dans la production artisanale de confitures à base de produits locaux.

Il y a dix ans, Jessica Allogo travaillait pendant dans l’industrie pétrolière comme ingénieure. Aujourd’hui, elle dirige l’une des entreprises agroalimentaires les plus innovantes du Gabon, spécialisée dans la production artisanale de confitures à base de produits locaux.

Il y a dix ans, Jessica Allogo travaillait pendant dans l’industrie pétrolière comme ingénieure. Aujourd’hui, elle dirige l’une des entreprises agroalimentaires les plus innovantes du Gabon, spécialisée dans la production artisanale de confitures à base de produits locaux.

Aujourd’hui dans Les Capitales : le projet de loi européenne sur l’influence étrangère fait débat, la saga des allégations environnementales continue, la tension monte entre le futur président polonais et le PiS, et l’Allemagne contracte une dette record.

 

The post Les Capitales : la future loi de l’UE sur l’« influence étrangère » fait débat appeared first on Euractiv FR.

New Digital Africa (NDA), groupe technologique panafricain actif sur l'ensemble de la chaîne de valeur des services et infrastructures numériques, et Forward Global, acteur européen de référence en cybersécurité, nouent un partenariat stratégique à l'occasion du Cyber Africa Forum (CAF), du 23 au 25 juin à Cotonou (Bénin). Cette alliance vise à proposer une offre unifiée combinant puissance de déploiement local et capacités opérationnelles avancées face aux cyber-menaces.

Selon plusieurs études sectorielles, le marché africain de la cybersécurité devrait atteindre 1,28 milliard de dollars d'ici 2030, contre environ 680 millions en 2025. Une dynamique qui s'explique par l'essor des services numériques, la modernisation des infrastructures critiques et la multiplication des cybermenaces.

C'est dans ce contexte que s'inscrit le partenariat entre NDA et Forward Global. En résonance avec la thématique de cette édition du Cyber Africa Forum – « Résilience des écosystèmes numériques : de la nécessité de changer de paradigme » – ce partenariat entend répondre à la demande croissante d'accompagnement à haute valeur ajoutée, à la fois des institutions publiques et des entreprises exposées, avec :

D'un côté, New Digital Africa, présent dans 4 pays avec plus de +130 collaborateurs, via ses filiales Dataconnect – fournisseur de services en infrastructures de connectivité, cloud et cybersécurité certifiés ISO 27001 et PCI DSS – et Devolution, spécialiste de la digitalisation, des données et des solutions applicatives sectorielles.

Et de l'autre, Forward Global, qui réunit 120 ingénieurs et experts, réalise chaque année 1 500 missions cyber auprès de 200+ clients clés et mobilise des solutions en cybersécurité offensive, la réponse aux incidents (CSIRT), la récupération des données (Databack) et la surveillance continue des vulnérabilités (Ambionics).

Forward Global dispose des agréments CESTI (Centre d'évaluation de la sécurité des technologies de l'information), PVID (Prestataires de vérification d'identité à distance) de l'Agence nationale de la sécurité des systèmes d'information (ANSSI, France). Forward Global est également un Prestataire de confiance en matière de réponse aux incidents de sécurité (PRIS) qualifié par l'ANSSI et dispose de la Certification IEC-17025.

Jean Jacques N'Docho, Directeur Général Adjoint du Groupe New Digital Africa, en charge de la Technologie et des Opérations, a déclaré : « Cette couverture intégrale du cycle Cyber – de l'anticipation à la remédiation, en passant par la détection, la réponse opérationnelle et le conseil stratégique – repose sur l'articulation de deux visions complémentaires : offensive et défensive. Ensemble, elles permettent de proposer des dispositifs robustes, capables d'accompagner la croissance économique, de garantir la continuité d'activité et de faire face à l'émergence de menaces transnationales toujours plus sophistiquées. »

Ambionics : vers une approche continue de la résilience applicative

Présentée pour la première fois à un public de décideurs, experts techniques et responsables de la sécurité numérique africains, Ambionics incarne pleinement l'appel à « changer de paradigme » formulé cette année par le CAF.

Alors que la majorité des organisations se limitent encore à des audits ponctuels, tandis qu'en parallèle, les surfaces d'attaques évoluent constamment – notamment sous l'effet de la généralisation des API, du shadow IT et du cloud hybride – la plateforme propose un service de pentest en continu des actifs applicatifs exposés, alliant l'expertise humaine à des capacités d'automatisation avancées.

Plus spécifiquement, Ambionics cartographie chaque semaine les vecteurs visibles et invisibles, identifie les vulnérabilités émergentes (y compris 1-day et 0-day), et conduit des tests d'intrusion en boîte noire et grise. Les alertes, contextualisées en temps réel, sont directement exploitables par les équipes techniques. Un contre-audit hebdomadaire garantit par ailleurs la fiabilité des résultats et la priorisation des actions correctives, réduisant ainsi drastiquement les temps de réaction.

Loïc Bénis, Directeur des Opérations de la filiale Lexfo, Forward Global : « Ambionics facilite la collaboration entre RSSI, équipes de développement, métiers et direction générale. Pour les organisations critiques africaines – banques, assurances, opérateurs, institutions publiques – il s'agit d'un levier de cyber-résilience, dans un contexte où les failles applicatives sont à l'origine d'une large part des compromissions observées sur le continent, et notamment dans les secteurs Finance, Télécoms et Énergie. Ambionics s'intègre dans un écosystème complet de solutions proposées par Forward Global. »

À propos de New Digital Africa (NDA)

Fondé en 2012, New Digital Africa est un groupe technologique panafricain engagé dans l'accélération de la transformation numérique des entreprises à travers le continent. Il opère sur l'ensemble de la chaîne de valeur digitale, en alliant infrastructures de pointe et services à haute valeur ajoutée. Porté par une vision d'innovation et d'impact, le Groupe ambitionne de devenir un investisseur stratégique de référence au service du développement d'une économie numérique souveraine et durable en Afrique.

Le groupe international Forward Global

Forward Global est un groupe international, dont le siège historique est en France, disposant de quatre bureaux principaux à Paris, Bruxelles, Londres et Washington. Acteur de référence de la gestion de risques avec plus de 400 collaborateurs, Forward Global est une « société à mission » qui propose une offre intégrée sur l'ensemble des trois grands risques, numérique, économique et informationnel. L'objectif du groupe est de réduire les risques auxquels sont exposés les dirigeants, les entreprises et les institutions, d'accompagner leurs réflexions et de renforcer leurs positions stratégiques.

La gestion du risque informationnel : ce pôle regroupe les activités de relations publiques du groupe auprès d'une centaine d'entreprises et d'institutions. Il associe des équipes de haut niveau en matière de communication stratégique, de communication digitale, d'affaires publiques, ou encore de communication judiciaire. Au-delà des dossiers opérés sous la marque Forward Global, il regroupe les marques DGM Conseil, 35°Nord et CEIS. Ce pôle, de près de 180 personnes, opère en France, aux Etats-Unis, en Grande-Bretagne, à Bruxelles, et en Afrique.

La gestion du risque numérique : ce pôle agit à la fois sur la prévention des risques (audit, évaluation en continu, anticipation des menaces, détection des fuites de données...) et la réponse à incident. Il intervient également au plan stratégique dans le cadre de missions d'étude et d'accompagnement (cartographie des risques, analyse des menaces, organisation d'exercices de crise...). Il regroupe les marques Lexfo, Databack, Ambionics, Ubik Academy, Lexhunt, CEIS, Calypt et Uncovery ainsi que le Forum inCyber, qui rassemble chaque année plusieurs dizaines de milliers de visiteurs pour ses éditions européenne (à Lille, en France) ou nord-américaine (à Montréal, au Canada), et constitue l'évènement le plus important pour les professionnels de la cybersécurité́ et les acteurs de la confiance numérique.

La gestion du risque économique : ce pôle rassemble les activités d'investigation dans des contextes pré́-contentieux (litigation support), pré-contractuels (éthique des affaires et conformité́) ou pré́-investissement M&A Intelligence), le centre d'étude des risques pays (notamment l'Observatoire des Pays arabes) et toutes les activités de lutte contre la fraude, contre les marchés illicites (contrefaçon, piratage de contenus) et la criminalité organisée. Il opère sous les marques Leakid, Rivendell, OPA, Forward Risk & Intelligence, CEIS et Brod Global Intelligence. Il réunit plus de 90 collaborateurs en France, à Bruxelles, aux Etats-Unis, au Canada et en Afrique.

Credit: Kacper Pempel/Reuters via Gallo Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

Poland’s embattled Prime Minister Donald Tusk emerged bruised but still standing after his government survived a parliamentary vote of confidence on 11 June. He’d called the vote, which he won by 243 to 210, just days after the presidential candidate of his Civic Platform (PO) party suffered an unexpected defeat.

Karol Nawrocki, an independent nationalist conservative backed by the former ruling Law and Justice Party (PiS) defeated liberal pro-European Union (EU) Warsaw Mayor Rafał Trzaskowski in a nail-biting presidential runoff. The result offers a broader test of Poland’s democratic resilience that could have implications across the EU.

The electoral blow

Nawrocki’s path to victory was anything but predictable. The 42-year-old former president of Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance had never held elected office before emerging as PiS’s chosen candidate. Yet his populist message resonated with frustrated voters.

Economic grievances provided fertile ground for nationalist appeals. Despite Poland’s relatively low unemployment, youth unemployment of over 10 per cent is an understandable source of anxiety for younger voters. Increasingly, they’re reacting by rejecting mainstream political offerings.

This helped cause the fragmented results of the 18 May first round. Trzaskowski won only 31.36 per cent of the vote and Nawrocki took 29.54 per cent. The combined vote share of right-wing candidates – Nawrocki and far-right politicians Grzegorz Braun and Sławomir Mentzen – exceeded polling expectations. Braun and Mentzen took over 21 per cent between them, thanks to the support of many young voters.

The 1 June runoff saw Nawrocki win 50.89 per cent to Trzaskowski’s 49.11 per cent, a margin of under two percentage points. Nawrocki took 64 per cent of the rural vote while Trzaskowski commanded 67 per cent in urban centres – an established geographic divide that reflects an enduring ideological division between a conservative, nationalist Poland and its liberal, cosmopolitan counterpart.

Election interference

Disinformation is helping fuel polarisation. The election campaign unfolded against a backdrop of foreign interference concerns that echoed troubling developments across the region – particularly in Romania, where the Supreme Court cancelled the 2024 presidential election due to evidence of Russian interference.

Just days before the first round, Poland’s Research and Academic Computer Network discovered evidence of potentially foreign-funded Facebook ads targeting all major candidates. According to an investigation by fact-checking organisation Demagog, TikTok was flooded with disinformation, particularly but not exclusively against Trzaskowski. The platform’s algorithm displayed far-right content twice as often as centrist or left-wing content to new users, with pro-Nawrocki videos appearing four times more frequently than pro-Trzaskowski content. Over 1,200 fake accounts systematically attacked Trzaskowski, while another 1,200 promoted Nawrocki.

The influence operation extended beyond individual character assassination to sowing distrust in the democratic process and sharing broader far-right narratives. Fake accounts systematically promoted anti-Ukrainian sentiment and anti-immigration conspiracy theories.

Donald Trump also gave Nawrocki an unprecedented level of support: he received him at the White House just before the election and sent his Homeland Security Secretary to campaign for him in Poland as she attended the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). This year, CPAC, a US conservative platform, held two international events, in Hungary and Poland. The Polish one, timed to coincide with the runoff, offered a clear indication of how the nationalist far right has become internationalised.

Institutional paralysis

The viability of Tusk’s ideologically diverse coalition and his own political future have been called into question by the result. With critics in the Civic Coalition blaming the election defeat on the government’s communication failures and Tusk’s personal unpopularity, the confidence vote became a key test.

But even though Tusk has survived the confidence vote, it will be a tall order to implement the reforms needed to restore the democratic institutions that came under strain during the PiS administration. In eight years in power, PiS dismantled judicial independence, made public media its propaganda mouthpiece and undermined women’s rights by introducing one of Europe’s harshest anti-abortion laws. The new government’s attempts to reckon with this legacy had already been hampered by outgoing President Andrzej Duda, who used his veto power to block key reforms. Nawrocki will continue that, leaving Tusk unable to realise his promises to Polish voters and the EU.

The European Commission had counted on Tusk completing promised judicial reforms as it unlocked billions in pandemic recovery funds frozen over rule-of-law concerns during PiS rule. With progress now unlikely, the Commission faces the difficult decision of whether to maintain its funding even if the government’s unable to deliver promised changes.

Beyond the EU, Nawrocki’s foreign policy positions threaten to complicate Poland’s previously staunch backing of Ukraine. Although supportive of continued aid, Nawrocki has pledged to block any prospects of Ukraine joining NATO and prioritise Polish interests over refugee support.

High stakes

The razor-thin margin of victory in the presidential election, combined with record turnout of 72.8 per cent, tells a complex story of a divided society. While high participation suggests robust civic engagement, the deep polarisation reflected in the results reveals faultlines that extend far beyond conventional political disagreements.

The outcome offers further evidence that, when economic grievances aren’t addressed, institutional trust is allowed to erode and information environments are left vulnerable to manipulation, opportunistic politicians will exploit social divisions and anti-establishment anger.

For Poland, the coming years will test whether democratic institutions can withstand the pressures of sustained political deadlock. Poland faces potential institutional paralysis that could further erode public trust in democratic governance. Poland’s institutions will need to try to demonstrate their continuing effectiveness, and civil society and independent media will need to maintain their credibility, to help protect and nurture democratic values.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

Le gouvernement ne pourra pas tenir ce mercredi 25 juin 2025, la session ordinaire du Conseil des ministres. Et pour cause, l'absence du chef du territoire ntional.

Patrice TALON en voyage au Brésil. Mais avant de rallier Brasilia, la capitale brésilienne, le chef de l'Etat a fait une escale en Côte d'Ivoire dans la matinée du mardi 24 juin 2025.
Selon la Présidence de la Côte d'Ivoire, TALON et OUATTARA se sont entretenus sur la coopération entre le Bénin et la Côte d'Ivoire. Des sujets d'intérêt sous-régional étaient également au menu des échanges entre les deux chefs d'Etat.
Après l'escale en Côte d'Ivoire, l'avion transportant le président de la République a atterri dans soirée du mardi au Brésil.
Depuis son arrivée au pouvoir en 2016, le gouvernement ne s'est jamais réuni en Conseil des ministres en l'absence du président TALON.

F. A. A.

Le chef de l'Etat Patrice Talon s'est envolé pour Brasilia, la capitale brésilienne ce mardi 24 juin 2025.

Patrice Talon hors du territoire national. Le chef de l'Etat effectue depuis ce mardi 24 juin, une visite officielle au Brésil. Cette visite du président de la République fait suite à celle effectué en 2024, du 22 au 24 mai. Elle sera surement l'occasion pour le président de relancer la coopération entre le Bénin et le Brésil dans plusieurs domaines.

F. A. A.

Jasmin Lorch argues that European support to human rights NGOs, critical civil society and free media is not merely a “nice-to-have“. Instead, it directly serves European interests due to the important information function that these civil society actors perform. 

Jasmin Lorch argues that European support to human rights NGOs, critical civil society and free media is not merely a “nice-to-have“. Instead, it directly serves European interests due to the important information function that these civil society actors perform. 

Jasmin Lorch argues that European support to human rights NGOs, critical civil society and free media is not merely a “nice-to-have“. Instead, it directly serves European interests due to the important information function that these civil society actors perform. 

Dauer des Videos : 50'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

EMPFEHLUNG zu dem Entwurf eines Beschlusses des Rates über den Abschluss des Erweiterten Abkommens über Partnerschaft und Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Europäischen Union und ihren Mitgliedstaaten einerseits und der Kirgisischen Republik andererseits
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Nacho Sánchez Amor

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP