Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This policy brief examines actions for a just transition of local job markets in developing countries. We identify building blocks for shifting from carbon-intensive towards green jobs in this transition. Green jobs in cities are key to ensure a just transition of local employment markets, both formal and informal, and make cities function more sustainably. They are part of a wider inclusive green economy aiming at carbon-neutrality and resource efficiency with a focus on human well-being and social equity while paying special attention to local nature-based solutions. The transition will create winners and losers. Both need to be managed if the process and outcomes are to be just. 

see also:
Green jobs in cities: challenges and opportunities in African and Asian intermediary cities
(Discussion Paper 7/2022)

This policy brief examines actions for a just transition of local job markets in developing countries. We identify building blocks for shifting from carbon-intensive towards green jobs in this transition. Green jobs in cities are key to ensure a just transition of local employment markets, both formal and informal, and make cities function more sustainably. They are part of a wider inclusive green economy aiming at carbon-neutrality and resource efficiency with a focus on human well-being and social equity while paying special attention to local nature-based solutions. The transition will create winners and losers. Both need to be managed if the process and outcomes are to be just. 

see also:
Green jobs in cities: challenges and opportunities in African and Asian intermediary cities
(Discussion Paper 7/2022)

This policy brief examines actions for a just transition of local job markets in developing countries. We identify building blocks for shifting from carbon-intensive towards green jobs in this transition. Green jobs in cities are key to ensure a just transition of local employment markets, both formal and informal, and make cities function more sustainably. They are part of a wider inclusive green economy aiming at carbon-neutrality and resource efficiency with a focus on human well-being and social equity while paying special attention to local nature-based solutions. The transition will create winners and losers. Both need to be managed if the process and outcomes are to be just. 

see also:
Green jobs in cities: challenges and opportunities in African and Asian intermediary cities
(Discussion Paper 7/2022)

This policy brief examines actions for a just transition of local job markets in developing countries. We identify building blocks for shifting from carbon-intensive towards green jobs in this transition. Green jobs in cities are key to ensure a just transition of local employment markets, both formal and informal, and make cities function more sustainably. They are part of a wider inclusive green economy aiming at carbon-neutrality and resource efficiency with a focus on human well-being and social equity while paying special attention to local nature-based solutions. The transition will create winners and losers. Both need to be managed if the process and outcomes are to be just. 

see also:
Green jobs in cities: challenges and opportunities in African and Asian intermediary cities
(Discussion Paper 7/2022)

In her last annual State of the Union address to the European Parliament, European Commission President von der Leyen called for a rethink of the EU’s foreign policy agenda. Reflecting on the global implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, she considered that “this is the time to invest in the power of democracies”. Although “our friends in every single democratic nation on this globe” form a core group of like-minded partners with which the EU seeks to shape global goods, von der Leyen also recognised the need to engage beyond the EU’s democratic partners – including through its Global Gateway infrastructure investment initiative. The EU’s efforts to become energy-independent from Russia underlines the need for a broad engagement, but also highlights the challenge of doing so in a way that is consistent with its democracy promotion commitments. One example of this tension was von der Leyen’s presence at the opening of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria pipeline that enables direct gas imports from Azerbaijanregime has been accused of carrying out an extensive crackdown on civil and political liberties in recent years. The EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a democracy promotion actor requires awareness of this tension between its commitment to democracy and its economic interests.

In her last annual State of the Union address to the European Parliament, European Commission President von der Leyen called for a rethink of the EU’s foreign policy agenda. Reflecting on the global implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, she considered that “this is the time to invest in the power of democracies”. Although “our friends in every single democratic nation on this globe” form a core group of like-minded partners with which the EU seeks to shape global goods, von der Leyen also recognised the need to engage beyond the EU’s democratic partners – including through its Global Gateway infrastructure investment initiative. The EU’s efforts to become energy-independent from Russia underlines the need for a broad engagement, but also highlights the challenge of doing so in a way that is consistent with its democracy promotion commitments. One example of this tension was von der Leyen’s presence at the opening of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria pipeline that enables direct gas imports from Azerbaijanregime has been accused of carrying out an extensive crackdown on civil and political liberties in recent years. The EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a democracy promotion actor requires awareness of this tension between its commitment to democracy and its economic interests.

In her last annual State of the Union address to the European Parliament, European Commission President von der Leyen called for a rethink of the EU’s foreign policy agenda. Reflecting on the global implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, she considered that “this is the time to invest in the power of democracies”. Although “our friends in every single democratic nation on this globe” form a core group of like-minded partners with which the EU seeks to shape global goods, von der Leyen also recognised the need to engage beyond the EU’s democratic partners – including through its Global Gateway infrastructure investment initiative. The EU’s efforts to become energy-independent from Russia underlines the need for a broad engagement, but also highlights the challenge of doing so in a way that is consistent with its democracy promotion commitments. One example of this tension was von der Leyen’s presence at the opening of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria pipeline that enables direct gas imports from Azerbaijanregime has been accused of carrying out an extensive crackdown on civil and political liberties in recent years. The EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a democracy promotion actor requires awareness of this tension between its commitment to democracy and its economic interests.

In her last annual State of the Union address to the European Parliament, European Commission President von der Leyen called for a rethink of the EU’s foreign policy agenda. Reflecting on the global implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, she considered that “this is the time to invest in the power of democracies”. Although “our friends in every single democratic nation on this globe” form a core group of like-minded partners with which the EU seeks to shape global goods, von der Leyen also recognised the need to engage beyond the EU’s democratic partners – including through its Global Gateway infrastructure investment initiative. The EU’s efforts to become energy-independent from Russia underlines the need for a broad engagement, but also highlights the challenge of doing so in a way that is consistent with its democracy promotion commitments. One example of this tension was von der Leyen’s presence at the opening of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria pipeline that enables direct gas imports from Azerbaijanregime has been accused of carrying out an extensive crackdown on civil and political liberties in recent years. The EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a democracy promotion actor requires awareness of this tension between its commitment to democracy and its economic interests.

In her last annual State of the Union address to the European Parliament, European Commission President von der Leyen called for a rethink of the EU’s foreign policy agenda. Reflecting on the global implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, she considered that “this is the time to invest in the power of democracies”. Although “our friends in every single democratic nation on this globe” form a core group of like-minded partners with which the EU seeks to shape global goods, von der Leyen also recognised the need to engage beyond the EU’s democratic partners – including through its Global Gateway infrastructure investment initiative. The EU’s efforts to become energy-independent from Russia underlines the need for a broad engagement, but also highlights the challenge of doing so in a way that is consistent with its democracy promotion commitments. One example of this tension was von der Leyen’s presence at the opening of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria pipeline that enables direct gas imports from Azerbaijanregime has been accused of carrying out an extensive crackdown on civil and political liberties in recent years. The EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a democracy promotion actor requires awareness of this tension between its commitment to democracy and its economic interests.

In her last annual State of the Union address to the European Parliament, European Commission President von der Leyen called for a rethink of the EU’s foreign policy agenda. Reflecting on the global implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, she considered that “this is the time to invest in the power of democracies”. Although “our friends in every single democratic nation on this globe” form a core group of like-minded partners with which the EU seeks to shape global goods, von der Leyen also recognised the need to engage beyond the EU’s democratic partners – including through its Global Gateway infrastructure investment initiative. The EU’s efforts to become energy-independent from Russia underlines the need for a broad engagement, but also highlights the challenge of doing so in a way that is consistent with its democracy promotion commitments. One example of this tension was von der Leyen’s presence at the opening of the Interconnector Greece-Bulgaria pipeline that enables direct gas imports from Azerbaijanregime has been accused of carrying out an extensive crackdown on civil and political liberties in recent years. The EU’s credibility and effectiveness as a democracy promotion actor requires awareness of this tension between its commitment to democracy and its economic interests.

The EU is insistent on combatting the ‘root causes’ of migration. Yet this has led it to overlook other reasons why people leave their homeland. Niels Keijzer and Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood argue these include the threatened livelihoods of coastal communities in the Gulf of Guinea. Among the many crises confronting the European Union, you might easily overlook the demographic one it faces at home. The EU's population is ageing rapidly. Between 2001 and 2021, the percentage of its citizens aged 65 and over increased from 5% to 21%. Meanwhile, the proportion of young people under 20 decreased by 3%, to 20%. Since the 1990s, net migration to the EU has been the main driver of the Union’s continuing population growth. Given these demographics, and given that the EU derives most of its global standing as the world's largest trade bloc, one might rationally expect the EU to consider migration policy a key tool to retain and consolidate this position. Yet migration policy is strongly contested in the European Union. And this is largely due to important differences between its 27 member states, who retain policy competencies on immigration policy. Currently, the EU’s desired New Pact on Migration and Asylum remains a distant dream rather than a political reality.

The EU is insistent on combatting the ‘root causes’ of migration. Yet this has led it to overlook other reasons why people leave their homeland. Niels Keijzer and Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood argue these include the threatened livelihoods of coastal communities in the Gulf of Guinea. Among the many crises confronting the European Union, you might easily overlook the demographic one it faces at home. The EU's population is ageing rapidly. Between 2001 and 2021, the percentage of its citizens aged 65 and over increased from 5% to 21%. Meanwhile, the proportion of young people under 20 decreased by 3%, to 20%. Since the 1990s, net migration to the EU has been the main driver of the Union’s continuing population growth. Given these demographics, and given that the EU derives most of its global standing as the world's largest trade bloc, one might rationally expect the EU to consider migration policy a key tool to retain and consolidate this position. Yet migration policy is strongly contested in the European Union. And this is largely due to important differences between its 27 member states, who retain policy competencies on immigration policy. Currently, the EU’s desired New Pact on Migration and Asylum remains a distant dream rather than a political reality.

The EU is insistent on combatting the ‘root causes’ of migration. Yet this has led it to overlook other reasons why people leave their homeland. Niels Keijzer and Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood argue these include the threatened livelihoods of coastal communities in the Gulf of Guinea. Among the many crises confronting the European Union, you might easily overlook the demographic one it faces at home. The EU's population is ageing rapidly. Between 2001 and 2021, the percentage of its citizens aged 65 and over increased from 5% to 21%. Meanwhile, the proportion of young people under 20 decreased by 3%, to 20%. Since the 1990s, net migration to the EU has been the main driver of the Union’s continuing population growth. Given these demographics, and given that the EU derives most of its global standing as the world's largest trade bloc, one might rationally expect the EU to consider migration policy a key tool to retain and consolidate this position. Yet migration policy is strongly contested in the European Union. And this is largely due to important differences between its 27 member states, who retain policy competencies on immigration policy. Currently, the EU’s desired New Pact on Migration and Asylum remains a distant dream rather than a political reality.

The EU is insistent on combatting the ‘root causes’ of migration. Yet this has led it to overlook other reasons why people leave their homeland. Niels Keijzer and Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood argue these include the threatened livelihoods of coastal communities in the Gulf of Guinea. Among the many crises confronting the European Union, you might easily overlook the demographic one it faces at home. The EU's population is ageing rapidly. Between 2001 and 2021, the percentage of its citizens aged 65 and over increased from 5% to 21%. Meanwhile, the proportion of young people under 20 decreased by 3%, to 20%. Since the 1990s, net migration to the EU has been the main driver of the Union’s continuing population growth. Given these demographics, and given that the EU derives most of its global standing as the world's largest trade bloc, one might rationally expect the EU to consider migration policy a key tool to retain and consolidate this position. Yet migration policy is strongly contested in the European Union. And this is largely due to important differences between its 27 member states, who retain policy competencies on immigration policy. Currently, the EU’s desired New Pact on Migration and Asylum remains a distant dream rather than a political reality.

The EU is insistent on combatting the ‘root causes’ of migration. Yet this has led it to overlook other reasons why people leave their homeland. Niels Keijzer and Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood argue these include the threatened livelihoods of coastal communities in the Gulf of Guinea. Among the many crises confronting the European Union, you might easily overlook the demographic one it faces at home. The EU's population is ageing rapidly. Between 2001 and 2021, the percentage of its citizens aged 65 and over increased from 5% to 21%. Meanwhile, the proportion of young people under 20 decreased by 3%, to 20%. Since the 1990s, net migration to the EU has been the main driver of the Union’s continuing population growth. Given these demographics, and given that the EU derives most of its global standing as the world's largest trade bloc, one might rationally expect the EU to consider migration policy a key tool to retain and consolidate this position. Yet migration policy is strongly contested in the European Union. And this is largely due to important differences between its 27 member states, who retain policy competencies on immigration policy. Currently, the EU’s desired New Pact on Migration and Asylum remains a distant dream rather than a political reality.

The EU is insistent on combatting the ‘root causes’ of migration. Yet this has led it to overlook other reasons why people leave their homeland. Niels Keijzer and Ifesinachi Okafor-Yarwood argue these include the threatened livelihoods of coastal communities in the Gulf of Guinea. Among the many crises confronting the European Union, you might easily overlook the demographic one it faces at home. The EU's population is ageing rapidly. Between 2001 and 2021, the percentage of its citizens aged 65 and over increased from 5% to 21%. Meanwhile, the proportion of young people under 20 decreased by 3%, to 20%. Since the 1990s, net migration to the EU has been the main driver of the Union’s continuing population growth. Given these demographics, and given that the EU derives most of its global standing as the world's largest trade bloc, one might rationally expect the EU to consider migration policy a key tool to retain and consolidate this position. Yet migration policy is strongly contested in the European Union. And this is largely due to important differences between its 27 member states, who retain policy competencies on immigration policy. Currently, the EU’s desired New Pact on Migration and Asylum remains a distant dream rather than a political reality.

Die am DIW Berlin angesiedelte forschungsbasierte Infrastruktureinrichtung Sozio-oekonomische Panel (SOEP) ist eine der größten und am längsten laufenden multidisziplinären Panelstudien weltweit, für die derzeit jährlich etwa 30.000 Menschen in knapp 15.000 Haushalten befragt werden. Das SOEP hat den Anspruch den gesellschaftlichen Wandel zu erfassen und steht somit immer neuen und vielfältigen Themen- und Aufgabenfelder gegenüber. Seine Datenerhebung und -generierung folgt dem Konzept des Survey bzw. Data Life Cycle.

Zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt suchen wir eine*n Wissenschaftliche*n Mitarbeiter*in (w/m/div) (Vollzeit mit 39 Wochenstunden, Teilzeit ist möglich).

In 2024, the UN will convene the Summit of the Future on the theme, ‘Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow.’ The Summit’s aim is to reinforce the UN and global governance structures to better address old and new challenges and to formulate a Pact for the Future that would help advance the SDGs by 2030. Already before the SDG Summit in September this year (the so-called mid-term review of the Goals’ implementation), it is clear that, unless the pressure and pace are drastically increased, many Goals will not be achieved. Therefore, UN Secretary-General António Guterres conceives of the Pact for the Future as “a booster shot for the SDGs.” At the SDG Summit, Member States could define the areas where they want to make progress (the what), while strengthening multilateral capacities to do so at the Summit of the Future (the how), while also addressing gaps and new risks.

In 2024, the UN will convene the Summit of the Future on the theme, ‘Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow.’ The Summit’s aim is to reinforce the UN and global governance structures to better address old and new challenges and to formulate a Pact for the Future that would help advance the SDGs by 2030. Already before the SDG Summit in September this year (the so-called mid-term review of the Goals’ implementation), it is clear that, unless the pressure and pace are drastically increased, many Goals will not be achieved. Therefore, UN Secretary-General António Guterres conceives of the Pact for the Future as “a booster shot for the SDGs.” At the SDG Summit, Member States could define the areas where they want to make progress (the what), while strengthening multilateral capacities to do so at the Summit of the Future (the how), while also addressing gaps and new risks.

In 2024, the UN will convene the Summit of the Future on the theme, ‘Multilateral Solutions for a Better Tomorrow.’ The Summit’s aim is to reinforce the UN and global governance structures to better address old and new challenges and to formulate a Pact for the Future that would help advance the SDGs by 2030. Already before the SDG Summit in September this year (the so-called mid-term review of the Goals’ implementation), it is clear that, unless the pressure and pace are drastically increased, many Goals will not be achieved. Therefore, UN Secretary-General António Guterres conceives of the Pact for the Future as “a booster shot for the SDGs.” At the SDG Summit, Member States could define the areas where they want to make progress (the what), while strengthening multilateral capacities to do so at the Summit of the Future (the how), while also addressing gaps and new risks.