Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Cities account for approximately 70 per cent of global energy consumption and about 75 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions due to the density of economic activities and infrastructure and their often path-dependent development patterns. Cities adopting a green transformation process can minimise their environmental impact and maximise opportunities to improve and support the natural environment. Topics to address are energy efficiency and reduction of non-renewable energy sources to reduce their carbon footprint; actively support waste reduction and management; establish green and resilient infrastructure; encourage nature-based solutions; enhance the efficiency of new buildings; encourage low-carbon transport; and improve water cycle management. Also, these fields will lead to a greener urban economy, create more green jobs – or respectively change jobs towards becoming green – and deliver improved quality of life outcomes for residents.
The aim of this discussion paper is to address the challenges, opportunities and fields of actions – respectively interventions – of these economic, but also social transformations on the job market on the level of cities. The regional focus is on African and Asian cities in developing countries. A special focus is on intermediary cities with between 1 to 5 million inhabitants since they constitute the fastest-growing urban areas today and more importantly, they have both the capacity and expertise to guide an economic transformation while still being, at the same time, not too large to be managed effectively, as outlined above.
The fields of action for cities in a transformation towards a green economy, thereby creating green jobs, can be clustered into:
• land use planning
• green buildings and construction
• sustainable mobility and urban transport
• green and blue urban infrastructure services with nature-based solutions (NBSs) as a cross-cutting issue
• renewable energy and energy efficiency
The employment effects of a transformation towards a green economy play an important role. The opportunities for cities in Africa and Asia to create green jobs under their own local mandates of decision-making in urban planning and within their own service providers, and/or to support the “greening” of the private sector, will obviously create more green jobs, and respectively shift current jobs into green jobs.

Cities account for approximately 70 per cent of global energy consumption and about 75 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions due to the density of economic activities and infrastructure and their often path-dependent development patterns. Cities adopting a green transformation process can minimise their environmental impact and maximise opportunities to improve and support the natural environment. Topics to address are energy efficiency and reduction of non-renewable energy sources to reduce their carbon footprint; actively support waste reduction and management; establish green and resilient infrastructure; encourage nature-based solutions; enhance the efficiency of new buildings; encourage low-carbon transport; and improve water cycle management. Also, these fields will lead to a greener urban economy, create more green jobs – or respectively change jobs towards becoming green – and deliver improved quality of life outcomes for residents.
The aim of this discussion paper is to address the challenges, opportunities and fields of actions – respectively interventions – of these economic, but also social transformations on the job market on the level of cities. The regional focus is on African and Asian cities in developing countries. A special focus is on intermediary cities with between 1 to 5 million inhabitants since they constitute the fastest-growing urban areas today and more importantly, they have both the capacity and expertise to guide an economic transformation while still being, at the same time, not too large to be managed effectively, as outlined above.
The fields of action for cities in a transformation towards a green economy, thereby creating green jobs, can be clustered into:
• land use planning
• green buildings and construction
• sustainable mobility and urban transport
• green and blue urban infrastructure services with nature-based solutions (NBSs) as a cross-cutting issue
• renewable energy and energy efficiency
The employment effects of a transformation towards a green economy play an important role. The opportunities for cities in Africa and Asia to create green jobs under their own local mandates of decision-making in urban planning and within their own service providers, and/or to support the “greening” of the private sector, will obviously create more green jobs, and respectively shift current jobs into green jobs.

Cities account for approximately 70 per cent of global energy consumption and about 75 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions due to the density of economic activities and infrastructure and their often path-dependent development patterns. Cities adopting a green transformation process can minimise their environmental impact and maximise opportunities to improve and support the natural environment. Topics to address are energy efficiency and reduction of non-renewable energy sources to reduce their carbon footprint; actively support waste reduction and management; establish green and resilient infrastructure; encourage nature-based solutions; enhance the efficiency of new buildings; encourage low-carbon transport; and improve water cycle management. Also, these fields will lead to a greener urban economy, create more green jobs – or respectively change jobs towards becoming green – and deliver improved quality of life outcomes for residents.
The aim of this discussion paper is to address the challenges, opportunities and fields of actions – respectively interventions – of these economic, but also social transformations on the job market on the level of cities. The regional focus is on African and Asian cities in developing countries. A special focus is on intermediary cities with between 1 to 5 million inhabitants since they constitute the fastest-growing urban areas today and more importantly, they have both the capacity and expertise to guide an economic transformation while still being, at the same time, not too large to be managed effectively, as outlined above.
The fields of action for cities in a transformation towards a green economy, thereby creating green jobs, can be clustered into:
• land use planning
• green buildings and construction
• sustainable mobility and urban transport
• green and blue urban infrastructure services with nature-based solutions (NBSs) as a cross-cutting issue
• renewable energy and energy efficiency
The employment effects of a transformation towards a green economy play an important role. The opportunities for cities in Africa and Asia to create green jobs under their own local mandates of decision-making in urban planning and within their own service providers, and/or to support the “greening” of the private sector, will obviously create more green jobs, and respectively shift current jobs into green jobs.

Cities account for approximately 70 per cent of global energy consumption and about 75 per cent of greenhouse gas emissions due to the density of economic activities and infrastructure and their often path-dependent development patterns. Cities adopting a green transformation process can minimise their environmental impact and maximise opportunities to improve and support the natural environment. Topics to address are energy efficiency and reduction of non-renewable energy sources to reduce their carbon footprint; actively support waste reduction and management; establish green and resilient infrastructure; encourage nature-based solutions; enhance the efficiency of new buildings; encourage low-carbon transport; and improve water cycle management. Also, these fields will lead to a greener urban economy, create more green jobs – or respectively change jobs towards becoming green – and deliver improved quality of life outcomes for residents.
The aim of this discussion paper is to address the challenges, opportunities and fields of actions – respectively interventions – of these economic, but also social transformations on the job market on the level of cities. The regional focus is on African and Asian cities in developing countries. A special focus is on intermediary cities with between 1 to 5 million inhabitants since they constitute the fastest-growing urban areas today and more importantly, they have both the capacity and expertise to guide an economic transformation while still being, at the same time, not too large to be managed effectively, as outlined above.
The fields of action for cities in a transformation towards a green economy, thereby creating green jobs, can be clustered into:
• land use planning
• green buildings and construction
• sustainable mobility and urban transport
• green and blue urban infrastructure services with nature-based solutions (NBSs) as a cross-cutting issue
• renewable energy and energy efficiency
The employment effects of a transformation towards a green economy play an important role. The opportunities for cities in Africa and Asia to create green jobs under their own local mandates of decision-making in urban planning and within their own service providers, and/or to support the “greening” of the private sector, will obviously create more green jobs, and respectively shift current jobs into green jobs.

While only a small percentage of men become involved in violent extremism, the majority of violent extremists are men. Across the ideological spectrum, violent extremist and terrorist groups exploit male sentiments of emasculation and loss of power and appeal to ideas of manhood in their recruitment efforts. Yet policymakers rarely focus on gender to help them understand why some men engage in violence and others do not or what role peaceful notions of masculinity play in preventing radicalization and terrorism. Similarly, male-dominated counterterrorism institutions rarely pose the question of how masculinities shape these institutions and their approaches to counterterrorism and countering violent extremism (CVE).

This report discusses masculinities—the socially constructed ideas of what it means to be a man—as they are constructed and used by violent extremist groups, as they exist in and interact with society, and as they interplay with the state. It draws on examples pertaining to both “Islamist” and extreme right-wing terrorism, considering differences not just between but also within these ideologies.

The report argues that while current efforts to “mainstream gender” in counterterrorism and CVE do not focus on masculinities, a masculinities-focused approach must avoid repeating the shortcomings of existing counterterrorism and CVE approaches aimed at women; be grounded in a robust human rights framework to avoid perpetuating gendered harms; be based on an understanding of the links between extremist violence and gender inequality at the societal level; and recognize and address the harmful role masculinities play within counterterrorism and CVE institutions themselves. It concludes by recommending that state, multilateral, and civil society actors engaged in counterterrorism and CVE:

• Conduct more policy-oriented research and analysis on the link between masculinities and violent extremism;
• Integrate a gender perspective—including a focus on masculinities—across all counterterrorism and CVE policy and programming;
• Monitor and evaluate the gendered impact of counterterrorism and CVE interventions using a robust human rights framework; and
• Address the harmful role masculinities play within counterterrorism and CVE institutions.

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Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Rivalry between an increasingly assertive China and the United States is mounting in Asia and the Pacific. On several occasions, China has seen its interests threatened by the United States in the region. The US president’s recent visit to Japan and the so-called Quad summit between the US, Australia, Japan and India, which took place during his stay have driven the attention and interests of Beijing’s officials to make a trip to the Pacific Islands in order to negotiate and sign a security agreement with countries of the region. China’s officials see Joe Biden’s recent trip to Asia, as an effort to counter Beijing’s economic, political and diplomatic influence as well as the recognition of China over Taiwan in the region. Wang Yi’s visit to the Pacific Islands in late May for a ten-day tour in eight countries was meant to contribute to securing China’s political, economic and diplomatic stance in the region.

Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) hat in der heutigen Sitzung ihres Rats entschieden, das Anleihekaufprogramm zu beenden und auf der nächsten Ratssitzung im Juli den Leitzins um 0,25 Prozent zu erhöhen. Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des DIW Berlin, erklärt dazu:

Trotz einer stark veränderten wirtschaftlichen Lage hält die EZB am Kurs des graduellen Ausstiegs aus ihrer expansiven Geldpolitik fest. Sie musste das Wachstum nach unten und die Inflation nach oben revidieren. Ich befürchte, sie unterschätzt die Risiken eines weiteren Anstiegs der Inflation und der Inflationserwartungen. Sie hätte daher bereits jetzt den Ausstieg umsetzen und die Zinsen anheben können, anstatt den lang angekündigten ersten Zinsschritt nochmals um sechs Wochen zu verschieben. Damit hätte sie ein starkes Signal an Märkte, Sozialpartner und Menschen gesendet, dass sie die Risiken erkannt hat und entschieden handeln wird.

Zwar würde selbst ein rascher und erheblicher Anstieg der Zinsen kaum etwas an der hohen Inflation über die kommenden zwölf Monate ändern. Aber ein starkes Signal für einen entschiedenen Ausstieg aus der expansiven Geldpolitik ist essenziell für die EZB, um die Inflationserwartungen fest zu verankern und damit ihre Glaubwürdigkeit zu schützen. Dadurch wäre sie in Zukunft wieder früher in der Lage, ihr Mandat der Preisstabilität voll zu erfüllen. Meine Befürchtung ist, dass ein zu zögerliches Handeln der EZB einen mittelfristig stärkeren Anstieg der Zinsen erfordern und damit auch die Wirtschaft stärker abbremsen könnte. Ein entschiedenes Handeln könnte zwar Volatilität an den Finanzmärkten auslösen. Dies wäre jedoch ein deutlich geringeres Übel als ein zu starker Anstieg der Inflationserwartungen.

Die EZB hat ihre Handlungsfähigkeit mit ihrer Kommunikationsstrategie der „forward guidance“ zu sehr selbst eingeschränkt. Sie muss sich von dieser Strategie lösen und überzeugender kommunizieren, dass der geldpolitische Kurs vom weiteren Verlauf des Kriegs in der Ukraine, der Pandemie und auch wirtschaftspolitischen Entscheidungen der EU und damit stark von den Daten abhängen wird. Die EZB muss sich jetzt mehr denn je die Möglichkeit schaffen, schnell und flexibel handeln zu können, um sowohl auf einen möglichen Anstieg der Inflation als auch finanzielle Verwerfungen reagieren zu können.

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On June 8th, IPI together with the Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the UN cohosted a virtual policy forum on “UN, EU, and NATO Approaches to the Protection of Civilians: Policies, Implementation, and Comparative Advantages.” The event provided an opportunity to present and discuss a recent IPI policy paper examining the conceptualization of the protection of civilians (POC) in the UN, the European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with recommendations to strengthen POC efforts within and across the three organizations.

Since the early 2000s, the UN, the EU, and NATO have developed their own conceptual and operational approaches to POC. These approaches have evolved in reaction to changing dynamics in armed conflict as well as institutional and membership priorities. These have contributed, for instance, to the UN’s shift from large-scale multidimensional peacekeeping operations toward smaller special political missions and the shift from executive military operations toward training missions within the EU. More recently, the return of large-scale military conduct in Europe following the invasion of Ukraine by Russia and the prospect of increasing use of hybrid warfare raise questions about the capacity for regional and international organizations to effectively protect civilians.

Considering these far-reaching geostrategic shifts, this policy forum will provide the opportunity to discuss how the UN, the EU, and NATO can adapt their POC approaches to a new era of operations and pursue greater inter-organizational cooperation to revitalize POC while retaining their distinct mandates and strategic approaches.

Read the policy paper>>

Opening Remarks:
Ambassador Mark Zellenrath, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the UN

Speakers:
Mr. Joachim A. Koops, Professor of Security Studies and Scientific Director of the Institute of Security and Global Affairs, Leiden University
Mr. Dirk Druet, Adjunct Professor McGill University and IPI Non-Resident Fellow
Ambassador Silvio Gonzato, Deputy Permanent Representative, EU Delegation to the UN
Ms. Marla B. Keenan, Adjunct Senior Fellow, Stimson Center
Ms. Eva Svoboda, Deputy Director of International Law and Policy, ICRC

Moderator:
Ms. Agathe Sarfati, IPI Senior Policy Analyst

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Die Steuersenkung auf Benzin und Diesel zum 1. Juni hat die Preise an den Tankstellen nur kurzzeitig senken können. Tomaso Duso, Wettbewerbsexperte und Leiter der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte im DIW Berlin, kommentiert die Gründe des verpufften Tankrabatts und empfiehlt zielgerichtetere Maßnahmen der Politik:

Dass die Spritpreise inzwischen wieder auf das Niveau von vor dem 1. Juni geklettert sind, ist keine Überraschung, sondern war aus zwei Gründen zu erwarten. Zum einem sind die Ölpreise in der letzten Woche wieder gestiegen, was die Wirkung des Tankrabatts zumindest reduziert hat. Zum anderem und noch ausschlaggebender: Der Tankrabatt wurde von den Mineralölkonzernen und Raffinerien wie erwartet nicht vollständig an die KundInnen – also zunächst an die Tankstellen und danach an die VerbraucherInnen – weitergegeben. Der Grund dafür ist, dass die Raffinerien Marktmacht haben. Das ist nicht unbedingt ein böswilliges Verhalten, sondern das Ergebnis hoher Marktkonzentration bei Raffinerien und Mineralölkonzernen. Davor haben die ÖkonomInnen gewarnt, die Politik wollte es aber nicht hören.

Der Tankrabatt ist nun vertan. Der Bevölkerung wurde damit nur minimal geholfen, und ihr Unmut ist zu Recht groß. Maßnahmen, die die Preise künstlich versuchen zu beeinflussen, sind kontraproduktiv und werden auch weiterhin verpuffen. Stattdessen sollte die Politik gezielte Maßnahmen auf den Weg bringen, die diejenigen Haushalte unterstützen, die durch die Verteuerungen existenzielle Probleme haben. Direkte Transfers oder gezielte Steuerreduktionen für diese Haushalte sollten Vorrang haben.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.

Gender diversity is important for achieving equality and ocean sustainability challenges. However, women are less likely to be in positions of leadership within academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions. We highlight the non-gendered and gendered challenges they experience as a leader that affect their role, mental wellbeing, success, and career progression. Accordingly, we present actionable strategies, systems, and processes that can be implemented by academic interdisciplinary marine research institutions and the scientific community to improve gender equality.