Afrique

Le Maroc se prépare à accueillir la 35ᵉ Coupe d'Afrique des Nations, prévue du 21 décembre 2025 au 18 janvier 2026.

Pour accompagner l'afflux attendu de milliers de supporters dans le cadre de la Coupe d'Afrique des Nations (CAN) Z025, le Maroc a annoncé une procédure spéciale et simplifiée.

A partir du 25 septembre, les ressortissants de huit pays africains,Algérie, Burkina Faso, Cap-Vert, Gabon, Niger, Sénégal, Togo et Tunisie, pourront obtenir en ligne une Autorisation Électronique de Voyage (AEVM).
Une plateforme unique
La demande se fera via l'application YALLA, qui centralisera également l'acquisition du FanID, document indispensable pour accéder aux stades et aux zones réservées aux supporters.
Pour les voyageurs se rendant au Maroc pour d'autres raisons que la CAN, la procédure restera en place. La demande devra être introduite au moins quatre jours avant le départ, via le portail officiel Access-Maroc.
Une mesure temporaire
Cette simplification, qui ne s'applique pas aux titulaires de passeports diplomatiques, aux résidents marocains, aux voyageurs en transit, aux conjoints de Marocains et aux personnes âgées de plus de 55 ans, restera en vigueur jusqu'au 25 janvier 2026.
Le Maroc espère ainsi fluidifier l'arrivée des supporters et renforcer la fête populaire autour de cette CAN très attendue.

‎La police a démantelé un réseau de malfaiteurs à Godomey, dans la commune d'Abomey-Calavi.

30 individus dont treize puis dix-sept autres, tous de nationalité étrangère ont été arrêtés à la suite deux descentes successives de la Police à Godomey.

‎Tout a commencé le 27 septembre avec l'arrestation d'un suspect impliqué dans le vol de climatiseurs et de motocyclettes.

Les investigations ont conduit à la saisie de 8 motocyclettes, dont quatre déjà dépiécées, ainsi qu'une bicyclette.

‎Près de 477 téléphones portables, des tablettes, des ordinateurs et des pièces détachées ont été récupérés.

Des équipements divers, dont des climatiseurs, une motopompe et même un lampadaire solaire, ont aussi été confisqués.

Un pistolet artisanal a été retrouvé.
‎
‎Les trente suspects sont en garde-à-vue. Ils devront répondre de vols de motocyclettes, d'appareils électroniques, d'association de malfaiteurs et de détention illégale d'arme.
M. M.
‎

Jian G was found guilty of acting as an agent for a Chinese intelligence service while working for Maximilian Krah, a member of the far-right Alternative for Germany

Voir en ligne : https://www.ubabenin.com/uba-credit...

This paper by Dr. Isabelle Ioannides, Senior Research Fellow, South-East Europe Programme, ELIAMEP, is published in the context of the project EMBRACing changE – Overcoming Blockages and Advancing Democracy in the European Neighbourhood. EMBRACE is a multi-country research initiative that aims to enhance democracy promotion efforts in the EU’s neighbourhood by identifying key obstacles to democratisation and formulating evidence-based strategies to overcome them. The project draws on locally led research and stakeholder engagement across twelve case studies in five regions: the Western Balkans, Eastern Europe, the Southern Caucasus, the Middle East, and North Africa.

Focusing on Work Package 8 of the project, the report “Toolkit for EU decision-makers on the geopolitics of EU Democracy Promotion (EUDP)” outlines a conceptual design for a novel policy instrument aimed at strengthening the EU’s ability to respond to democratic backsliding in its neighbourhood. Building on the EMBRACE project’s analysis of factors conducive to democratic opening, such as political structures, historical legacies, and the role of critical junctures, the paper proposes a shift from static and fragmented democracy promotion tools to a dynamic, adaptive, and context-specific system.

The report develops its blueprint based on findings from scenario-building workshops in North Macedonia, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine, as well as interviews with stakeholders in Algeria. These consultations interrogated the EU’s existing conceptual framework for democracy promotion and highlighted the need for locally grounded, evidence-based approaches. Central to the proposed Toolkit is a co-design process with local stakeholders, ensuring that EU policy instruments are informed by country-specific realities and informal power structures.

The paper underscores that the Toolkit’s added value lies in its integration of democracy measurement frameworks, data collection and management tools, foresight and forecasting methods, and alert and rapid response systems. These elements are conceived as part of a feedback loop where measurement informs foresight, foresight guides policy design, and outcomes feed back into continuous learning. In this way, the Toolkit leverages local expertise and EU instruments to achieve smarter and more resilient democratisation outcomes.

The report concludes that the EU’s democracy promotion efforts must evolve into a living, continuously adaptive system capable of moving from reactive responses to proactive strategies. By fostering country-specific customisation, local co-creation, and synergies across EU external action instruments, the proposed Toolkit offers a pathway to more effective and resilient democracy promotion both in the five case study countries and beyond.

Read the report here.

La fièvre de la vallée du Rift, découverte au Kenya dans les années 1930, est une maladie virale transmise de l’animal à l’homme, provoquant fièvre, douleurs et céphalées, avec 1 à 2 % de cas graves parfois mortels.

Voir en ligne : https://www.ubabenin.com/uba-credit...

In today's edition: Chip's Act 2.0 chatter, digitalisation principles

La Republika Srpska va élire un nouveau président le 23 novembre. Après plusieurs semaines de déni, Milorad Dodik vient de reconnaître qu'il n'était plus le président de l'entité. Sans renoncer à peser de tout son poids face à une opposition qui s'organise.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Politique, Une - Diaporama, RS sécession

Von der Leyen did not specify where the money was coming from

In today's edition: Pharma package, NGOs, and German long-term care insurance

Credit: United Nations

By Jesselina Rana
NEW YORK, Sep 30 2025 (IPS)

Last week, the United Nations (UN) marked its 80th anniversary against the backdrop of an unprecedented global crisis. With the highest number of active conflicts since 1946, trust in multilateralism is faltering.

Yet the UN’s founding vision, rooted in the principle of ‘We the Peoples,’ remains as urgent as ever; affirming that peace, human rights, and development cannot be achieved by governments alone. From the very beginning, civil society has been integral to this vision, a role formally recognised in Article 71 of the UN Charter, which underscores the value of NGOs in shaping international agendas.

“Article71: The Economic and Social Council may make suitable arrangements for consultation with non-governmental organisations which are concerned with matters within its competence. Such arrangements may be made with international organisations and, where appropriate, with national organisations after consultation with the Member of the United Nations concerned.”

Yet despite this important provision, multilateral processes have increasingly become state-centric, turning global governance into a top-down exercise detached from the people it is meant to serve.

Excluding civil society and global citizens from policy-making not only produces laws and policies out of touch with local needs but also undermines community-driven practices that are often best placed to identify challenges and craft solutions.

At worst, silencing those who hold governments accountable empowers authoritarian regimes to flout international law, restrict human rights, and erode the rules-based international order. While the UN may recognise the role of civil society in principle, why does practice remain so distant from this commitment?

One area for reflection is the extent to which international spaces mirror national realities. Many see the multilateral system as an all-powerful body safeguarding humanity from the scourge of war. In reality it is a regrouping of national actors, the same ones responsible for shrinking civic space at home.

According to the CIVICUS Monitor, more than 70 percent of the global population lives in countries where freedoms of expression, association, and assembly are severely restricted. For many human rights defenders (HRDs), even raising their voices at the UN has led to reprisals at home, including surveillance and imprisonment.

By privileging repressive states and sidelining accountability actors, multilateral institutions replicate domestic restrictions globally, leaving abuses unchecked and defenders excluded.

A second challenge is how money dictates priorities. The collapse of the global aid sector has forced many to confront this reality again. The UN is funded largely by member states through mandatory and voluntary contributions. Over time, earmarking of funds and shifting UN priorities have led to chronic underinvestment in human rights.

Today, the human rights pillar receives just five percent of the UN’s regular budget, and with the upcoming UN80 budget cuts, this already underfunded area faces further risk. When human rights are deprioritised through budget cuts and underfunding, the message to member states is clear- resources and political will are better placed elsewhere. This dynamic discourages collaboration with civil society and reinforces their marginalisation.

A third challenge is the unequal access granted to civil society at UN headquarters. Negotiation rooms are closed to most organisations, and draft resolutions are often circulated only among those with close ties to diplomats, leaving others without privileged access unable to provide timely input. Meaningful participation is impossible without timely information.

During high-level weeks in New York, even side event spaces can only be booked through a member state, effectively controlling who speaks and what is discussed. Major processes such as the Summit of the Future or Financing for Development rarely engage civil society at the national level in time to influence outcomes.

Even when hundreds of civil society organisations submit feedback on policy documents, there is little transparency on how their contributions are used. These opaque practices erode trust and leave committed groups questioning whether investing their scarce time and resources in multilateral spaces is worthwhile.

Despite these glaring challenges, which have turned the system into “we the member states,” the UN is not without tools to ensure it is inclusive of the people it was created to serve. First, existing tools such as the UN Guidance Note on the Promotion and Protection of Civic Space provide a clear framework for action through the “three P’s”: participation, protection, and promotion. To move this document beyond paper, the task force assigned to implement it must act urgently.

Accreditation processes may get civil society past the security desk after years of hurdles, but it does not guarantee meaningful engagement. What matters in the long run is meaningful participation across the UN system, not just at headquarters, in order to achieve political and practical impact.

Second, a focus on accountable leadership. When funding is slashed and political will abandoned, the UN inadvertently strengthens authoritarian regimes, enabling them to silence voices, restrict rights, and openly flout international law. This erosion of support for human rights contributes to shrinking civic freedoms worldwide and leaves many losing trust in the multilateral system.

In this context, civil society engagement is not optional, it is key to steering the UN’s future leadership toward defending human rights and global freedoms.

With conversations on the next Secretary-General already gaining momentum, civil society’s role must be a central test for every candidate. Town halls with nominees should be used to demand clear commitments to meaningful participation of civil society, as well as sustained funding and protection for human rights programmes.

This is not about tokenistic symbolism; meaningful civil society engagement is a fundamental condition for development progress, the protection of human rights, and the survival of a rules-based international order- including multilateral organisations like the UN.

As the UN enters its ninth decade, its relevance depends on accountability to the people, not just the states. Civil society must be recognized as independent partners, with their constructive input embedded across decision-making, financing, and oversight. Only by centering people and their rights can the UN restore trust, strengthen multilateralism, and truly fulfill its founding promise: a world grounded in peace, development, and human rights.

Jesselina Rana, a human rights lawyer, is the UN Advisor at CIVICUS’ New York Hub.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Voir en ligne : https://isoceltelecom.com/

The ban, intended to boost domestic production of shea butter, has reduced earnings for many women.

Voir en ligne : https://benin.coris.bank/

La Résidence de l’Ambassadeur de l’Union européenne à Alger s’est transformée, les 26 et 27 septembre passés, en une véritable vitrine du patrimoine artisanal algérien. […]

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The UN says 22 people have been killed and more than 100 others injured since protests broke out on Thursday.

Le tribunal a rendu son verdict, ce dimanche 29 septembre, dans une affaire d’agression qui avait profondément marqué un quartier et provoqué de nombreuses réactions […]

L’article Agression d’une mère et de son enfant à Sidi Bel Abbès : le verdict tombe contre le voisin violent est apparu en premier sur .