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COP29 will need to build on COP16’s successes and mitigate its failures. Credit: COP16
By Yamide Dagnet, Amanda Maxwell, Zak Smith, and Jennifer Skene
BAKU, Nov 15 2024 (IPS)
The United States just went through its most consequential election. While the outcome raises questions about what the re-election of Trump means for U.S. engagement in global climate talks moving forward (in view of his previous stunt), the game is still on, with or without him. Despite the challenges, local communities, cities, states, private actors, and the public more broadly have embarked on an unstoppable journey—upholding the spirit of the Paris Agreement.
The world’s biodiversity agreement just faced its first big test in Cali, Colombia, at the United Nations’ 16th Biodiversity Conference of the Parties (COP16). The results were decidedly mixed, with some breakthroughs but also critical missed opportunities. Ultimately, it left the international community with a suite of urgent priorities to address our rapidly closing window to halt biodiversity collapse and to align the protection of nature with action on climate change.
With countries rapidly pivoting to the UN climate conference (COP29) this week, they will need to build on COP16’s successes and mitigate its failures, prioritizing the equitable delivery of main “AAA” objectives that are relevant to both: accountability, the alignment of biodiversity and climate plans, and the adequacy of resource mobilization and access to finance.
COP16 in Cali was the first Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) COP since the December 2022 adoption of the landmark Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (KMGBF or, commonly, GBF). The GBF set forth a plan to reverse and halt biodiversity loss by 2030 through the achievement of 23 action-oriented targets and to live in harmony with nature by 2050 by meeting four overarching goals.
COP16 offered a chance to make progress on the AAA objectives, as they are essential to delivering on the GBF, while also ensuring equity is built into each of them. These objectives manifest in some of COP16’s most notable outcomes, including the adoption of a work program and the creation of a permanent subsidiary body on Indigenous Peoples and local communities (IPLCs) under the CBD, with a recognition of the role of Afro-descendants. The outcomes also included decisions on a historic and long-overdue fund to foster equitable benefits sharing from their knowledge.
Overall, however, the international community left Cali with a long road ahead for meaningful, enduring, and equitable implementation.
Accountability
A long history of failed promises on biodiversity cast a broad shadow as the international community began negotiations at COP16. None of the biodiversity conservation targets set for 2010–2020 were fully met, making the challenge of halting and reversing biodiversity loss in the following decades much harder. While parties to the CBD have had two years since adopting the GBF to revise their National Biodiversity Strategies and Action Plans (NBSAPs), which are supposed to detail how they will fulfill their GBF obligations, only about 22 percent of countries had done so by the conclusion of the COP.
Developed countries have been particularly notorious for sidestepping accountability, especially on forest commitments. For decades, international policy has largely focused on addressing deforestation in the tropics while allowing the wealthier countries of the Global North to evade scrutiny for their own forest degradation. As countries chart their ambition under the GBF and related commitments at the intersection of nature and climate, voices from the Global South, including the African Ministerial Conference on the Environment, have begun calling for frameworks to drive more equitable accountability.
The GBF’s monitoring framework presented an opportunity to begin correcting this imbalance through the adoption of concrete, shared indicators to guide biodiversity protection and restoration. Instead, in the months leading up to COP16, negotiators began building a monitoring framework that risks cloaking business as usual under the guise of progress. Ultimately, without additional revisions and willingness to strengthen the indicators, the monitoring framework will be subject to the same inequities and weaknesses that have plagued policies for decades.
As countries look to build accountability, the enhanced transparency framework and global stocktake under the UN climate convention can provide models for how to bring more teeth into the CBD process and foster responsibility for all parties. In addition, wealthy countries need to ensure their NBSAPs are action-oriented and to hold themselves to the same standards on deforestation and forest degradation that they expect in the tropics.
There may also be opportunities to channel success elsewhere into greater accountability on biodiversity conservation. One example is the progressing ratification of the new high seas treaty, which is a once-in-a-generation opportunity for biodiversity conservation at a global scale. The treaty must be ratified by 60 nations to come into force and then be effectively implemented, both of which saw progress at COP16 with the announcement of Panama’s ratification during the COP and several countries confirming the signing of the treaty and announcing intentions to start working on the first round of high seas marine protected areas.
Alignment of biodiversity and climate efforts
Biodiversity loss and climate change are inextricably linked, requiring aligned, synergistic action. The UN biodiversity and climate conventions have historically been siloed, resulting in disconnected, sometimes conflicting decision-making and ambition. Last December, at the UN climate conference in Dubai (COP28), countries agreed to the first global stocktake, which emphasized the need to halt and reverse deforestation and forest degradation by 2030 and to align with the GBF.
COP16 created an opening for fostering that alignment and ensuring coordination and complementarity. Parties agreed to establish a process, with submissions of views from all stakeholders by May 2025, for coordinating between the three Rio Conventions (addressing climate, biodiversity, and desertification). This creates a pathway for ensuring that climate mitigation and adaptation and biodiversity protection and restoration mutually reinforce each other’s priorities.
At COP29, negotiators should build off of this leadership, elevating the need to integrate climate and biodiversity commitments and reinforcing the importance of an efficient, robust collaboration process. Particularly given next year’s ocean and climate summits in France and Brazil, respectively, which will thrust oceans and forests to the forefront of the climate agenda, it is imperative that countries set the stage for the alignment between biodiversity and climate commitments, create opportunities for the exchange of lessons and best practices between the conventions, and deliver more robust and ambitious climate and biodiversity plans as soon as possible, and no later than in a year’s time in 2025.
Adequacy of finance
As at COP15, the issue causing the greatest rift at COP16 was the question of how to fund the biodiversity conservation called for in the GBF. Since the signing of the GBF, positions—particularly divisions between developed and developing countries—have only hardened. The European Union announced in September that it was opposed to a key demand of developing countries: the creation of a new finance mechanism to distribute biodiversity finance. At the same time, the Ministerial Alliance for Ambition on Nature Finance released a statement from 20 Global South countries calling on the Global North to meet the commitments it made in the GBF to ensure that at least $20 billion per year is delivered from developed to developing countries by 2025 and that at least $30 billion per year is delivered by 2030.
Unfortunately, discussions on these issues started too late in the negotiations and dragged into the last day of the COP, until the meeting ended abruptly for lack of a quorum. The aborted talks adjourned with no agreed-upon strategy for increasing funds to finance nature conservation. Countries will now continue talks next year at an interim meeting.
This result is unacceptable. The vast majority of countries in the Global South will not have the resources necessary to meet their obligations in the GBF if the Global North does not meet its funding commitments.
The problem is compounded given that some of the key sticking points of biodiversity finance echo discussions about climate finance. For example, under the UN climate convention, there have been similar disagreements around appropriate finance mechanisms, such as around the creation of the Loss and Damage Fund in 2022. During those and other discussions, diverging opinions around sources of finance, transparency, and access to funding have stymied progress. Now, with the inconclusive end of COP16 on these issues, there is even larger, more entrenched distrust between developed and developing countries.
At COP29, countries need to agree to a new, ambitious climate finance goal to build the needed confidence among governments and the private sector to pursue more ambitious climate action that also drives the protection of nature; the richest and most-polluting countries must therefore dramatically enhance their efforts.
This is not charity—it is investment for economic and social justice, a matter of national, food, and energy security, and it is essential to building a climate-safer world for all.
Ultimately, all countries will get hurt by climate impacts with billions’ worth of damages. The richest countries are not immune to this (as we saw most recently in the United States and Spain), and they all need to step up. A deal on finance cannot just hinge on the United States. That was true before, and it’s truer now.
Looking forward
For both climate and nature, 2030 is a deadline that will dictate our future. By then, the international community will need to have implemented transformative change across all sectors, establishing climate-safe, nature-positive economies while ensuring equity and human rights.
Government progress, including at the subnational level, on accountability, alignment, and adequacy of finance is particularly critical given the unprecedented attention from the private sector on biodiversity and climate risks and outcomes. Companies and investors had a major presence at COP16—they are paying close attention to these negotiations and to the growing risks of failing to take action. Signals from the government are critical to pushing money flows and supply chains toward sustainable, equitable outcomes and building the structures that will transform business practices.
COP16 made important strides but ultimately left far too much on the table. At COP29 and beyond, parties need to renew trust and pursue their resolve to rapidly scale up and invest in holistic, equitable, all-of-planet approaches that propel action at every level of society and government, finally turning global commitments into reality on the ground. COP29 needs to and can deliver.
Note: Yamide Dagnet, Senior Vice President of NRDC International, Amanda Maxwell, Managing Director of NRDC Global, Zak Smith, Senior Attorney of NRDC International, and Jennifer Skene, Director of NRDC Global Northern Forests Policy, International, wrote this article. It was republished with the permission of NRDC International.
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By CIVICUS
Nov 15 2024 (IPS)
CIVICUS discusses the gender dimensions of genocide in Gaza with Kifaya Khraim, International Advocacy Coordinator at the Women’s Centre for Legal Aid and Counselling (WCLAC). Founded in 1991, WCLAC is a feminist organisation that documents Israeli violations against Palestinian women and uses this evidence for international advocacy.
The genocide that began following the attacks of 7 October 2023 has disproportionately affected Palestinian women, who face the general effects of extreme violence and displacement, and gender-based forms of violence, including sexual violence. To achieve sustainable peace, the international community must implement a ceasefire, uphold the decisions of the International Court of Justice, hold accountable those responsible for atrocities and ensure the active participation of women in the peace process.
Kifaya Khraim
How are Palestinian women affected by Israel’s current aggression?The aggression has had a profound impact on Palestinian women, who face unique dangers because of their gender. Since 7 October, we have witnessed targeted killings of women and children and a rise in sexual violence by Israeli forces and illegal settlers.
Restrictions on reproductive healthcare exacerbate the situation. Most hospitals, including maternity wards in Gaza, were deliberately targeted by Israeli forces in the first three months of the aggression. As a result, according to local doctors. miscarriage rates have increased by over 300 per cent.
On top of this, around 400 Palestinian women are being held in Israeli administrative detention centres, meaning they are imprisoned without formal charges or access to legal representation. Systematic sexual abuse has become a disturbing trend in detention centres in various regions, including Gaza, Jerusalem and the West Bank. We’ve documented cases of soldiers conducting invasive strip searches on women, often in the presence of others. These women are subjected to torture and inhumane treatment without being informed of any charges or given a fair trial.
Is this violence new, or part of an older trend?
Palestinian women have long faced human rights violations. Since 1948, successive wars and attempts at ethnic cleansing have severely affected our lives.
Palestinian women have long suffered human rights abuses, but now the violence has escalated. We are no longer talking about violence but a crisis in which an occupying state is controlling our territories and committing genocide against our people.
In addition to the killing of over 12,000 women in Gaza, and on top of the direct violence against women, this context has devastated the livelihoods of many women, leading to early marriages as families hope to secure a safer life for their daughters outside frequently attacked areas.
There are currently over 900,000 Israeli settlers living illegally in the West Bank. They are illegal settlers because international law prohibits the transfer of a state’s population to occupied territory. Settlers use direct and indirect violence to remove us from our homes and confiscate our land. Direct violence often includes burning our crops, contaminating our water sources and destroying our homes. Indirect violence includes setting up factories that damage the sewage systems of Palestinian villages and pollute our air. These attacks disproportionately affect women, who are often the ones responsible for water use, cooking and household chores.
Palestinian women are also deprived of their right to travel to work or school on the basis of so-called ‘security concerns’. In Gaza, before the genocide, women faced obstacles in accessing healthcare, which is particularly critical for those with cancer or living with chronic diseases. Israel has blocked the import of medical equipment and often denies medical permits, leaving people in need of essential treatment such as chemotherapy unable to travel. When permits are granted, they often come with restrictions, such as the need to travel unaccompanied and return the same day, or being granted a travel permit to one chemotherapy session but denied another.
How is the violence suffered by women different from that suffered by men?
In discussing the gendered impact of human rights violations against Palestinians, we must begin by acknowledging that men are often the targets. But women also pay a heavy price.
If a man is accused of a crime under Israeli military law, the whole family is punished. Their home is searched and destroyed, and Israeli soldiers often harass, beat or sexually assault women and children. This is a form of collective punishment, which is a war crime under international law.
This is all the more serious because challenges of mobility, lack of jobs and violence at checkpoints mean women are often financially dependent on men. When their homes are demolished and they are left homeless, many are forced to move in with their in-laws and become their primary caregivers, which can lead to additional mental health problems.
So while men may be the primary targets of home invasions, arrests and killings, the indiscriminate violence is devastating entire communities and affecting women in specific ways.
How are Palestinian women working to support each other and respond to the crisis?
The occupation makes it incredibly difficult for Palestinians to unite. The West Bank is so fragmented that it is like living on archipelago. It is often impossible to simply travel between areas. This makes it difficult for us to form support groups.
Women who try to organise run the risk of being arrested. Take the case of Suhair Barghouthi. She’s a 62-year-old woman whose son was killed by Israeli forces. She couldn’t give him a proper burial because they wouldn’t give her his body. She looks after her grandson, who keeps asking if his father is alive. She tried to organise a group of families who have suffered similar losses to press for the return of their loved ones’ bodies. But this landed her in prison, where she was denied medicine, food and proper clothing. She was eventually released but continues to be harassed by Israeli officers. We have documented many cases like hers.
Palestinian women continue to support each other. For example, those who have lost children to violence organise visits to comfort others who have recently experienced a similar loss. But this is becoming increasingly difficult. Checkpoints add another layer of risk: if women are searched and Israeli soldiers discover they’re part of a human rights campaign, they may arrest them.
What should the international community do to ensure accountability for human rights violations against Palestinians?
As Palestinians, we rely heavily on international support, which is why we focus so much of our advocacy on engaging with global institutions.
One of our key strategies is to document and share evidence of violations with United Nations mechanisms. We document abuses to draw immediate attention to ongoing violations and help prevent further harm, and for future accountability. We hope that by proving Israel’s systematic violation of international law, we can persuade other states to end academic, diplomatic and economic relations. We are also calling for a boycott of companies that are complicit in human rights abuses. By showing a united front against violations, the international community could send a powerful message, challenge the status quo and push for change.
International legal bodies have confirmed that human rights violations are taking place and that they must stop. We urge states to heed the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the situation in Palestine.
Israel’s impunity for these crimes sets a precedent that risks becoming a global norm. The message seems to be that there are no real consequences for states that commit genocide or war crimes. The international community must take responsibility for ending this cycle of impunity. This would support Palestinians and strengthen global norms that protect all humanity.
What are the challenges facing activists seeking justice?
A major challenge is the lack of response from the international community. We warned of escalating violence long before 7 October, and while we are listened to, tangible action rarely follows. This has led to widespread disillusionment, both among activists and within Palestinian communities, where people tend to question the value of documentation and advocacy. People’s loss of faith in international mechanisms has made it harder to mobilise and document events, which is crucial for accountability.
Another challenge is direct retaliation by Israeli forces, who target and detain activists, often without charges or fair trials. Colleagues and lawyers working on detention cases are routinely arrested and sometimes held for months. This creates a climate of fear that limits advocacy.
The fact that our permits are often denied also obstructs cooperation and connection between Palestinian communities. Social media harassment adds to the risks, as settlers spread personal information about human rights defenders, particularly women, through platforms like Telegram.
This means real progress on key issues remains limited. Simple, achievable steps such as allowing the International Committee of the Red Cross to access detention centres could make a big difference, helping to restore trust in the system and provide safety for activists seeking justice.
Despite the challenges, I still believe in people power and women power. We shouldn’t underestimate the impact of sharing stories and raising awareness. Empathy can drive change. This is why I work at WCLAC: I know women will help accelerate progress towards justice, so future generations don’t have to endure what we’re facing today.
Get in touch with WCLAC through its website or Facebook and Instagram pages, and follow @WclacPalestine on Twitter.
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Le groupe hôtelier américain Hilton s'apprête à ouvrir un établissement de luxe à Cotonou. Ce sera sur le site de l'ex-hôtel Marriott à Cotonou.
Le groupe Hilton, l'une des chaînes hôtelières les plus renommées au monde ouvrira un établissement à Cotonou. Il va s'installer sur l'ex-hôtel Marriott et répondra aux standards internationaux tout en offrant toutes les commodités requises.
En s'implantant à Cotonou, Hilton contribuera à renforcer l'attractivité du Bénin en tant que destination de premier choix en Afrique de l'Ouest. Le projet va générer des emplois, dynamiser le secteur hôtelier et encourager d'autres investissements étrangers.
En Conseil des ministres le 11 septembre 2024, le gouvernement avait annoncé la rénovation de l'ex hôtel Marriott, un complexe hôtelier 5 étoiles. C'est dans le but de structurer durablement la dynamique de développement touristique en cours au Bénin.