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Education Cannot Wait Interviews Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 08:30

By External Source
May 14 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Tom Fletcher is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, OCHA. He started his official duties on 18 November 2024.

Prior to taking up this role, Fletcher was the Principal of Hertford College at Oxford (2020-2024) and Vice Chair of Oxford University’s Conference of Colleges (2022-2024). He was British Ambassador to Lebanon (2011-2015) and Number 10 Foreign Policy Adviser to three UK Prime Ministers (2007-2011).

Fletcher previously served as Global Strategy Director of the Global Business Coalition for Education (2015-2019) and as chair of the UK Creative Industries Federation (2015-2020). He was awarded a CMG in 2011.

Fletcher has worked closely with the United Nations during his diplomatic career in Africa, the Middle East and Europe, including leading a report on technology for the UN Secretary General (2017). He is the author of ‘The Naked Diplomat’ (2016), ‘Ten Survival Skills for a World in Flux’ (2022), and two novels, ‘The Ambassador’ (2022) and ‘The Assassin’ (2024). He has written for the Financial Times, Prospect and Foreign Policy Magazine, and presented a BBC series on democracy.

Fletcher holds a Master of Arts degree in Modern History (Oxford, 1998). He was Visiting Professor at New York University (2015-2020) and the Emirates Diplomatic Academy (2016-2019). He is fluent in English and French, and has a good working knowledge of Arabic and Swahili.

ECW: How can education – especially for the 234 million crisis-affected children in urgent need of education support – better strengthen efforts to protect civilians, ensure human rights and foster adherence to international humanitarian law?

Tom Fletcher: Education is a frontline necessity in humanitarian crises – not an afterthought or something that can be dealt with later. Everywhere I go, I see how education provides children with a sense of normalcy, safety and hope amid the chaos. Learning is a shield against the threats and trauma of war and disaster. A child in school is less likely to be recruited by armed groups, exploited or harmed – and at its best, education instills values of peaceful coexistence, dignity, respect for each other, and for the agreed rules and laws that benefit everyone.

ECW: As a professor, diplomat and humanitarian, you know education’s transformative power. Today, with crises escalating, funding contracting and priorities competing, why must public and private donors see education as a life-saving intervention, not a secondary need? What are the consequences if we fail to sustain funding through multilateral funds like Education Cannot Wait, especially for crisis-affected children in the hardest-hit contexts?

Tom Fletcher: We know that education stabilizes communities, protects children and plants the seeds of peace. Without it, we don’t just skip lessons – we lose generations. It is the deepest tragedy that in a place like Gaza, some 658,000 school-aged children are without formal education because nine out of 10 of their schools are damaged or destroyed by the war. Without a school to go to, these children are more vulnerable, their human rights are undermined, and their futures hang in the balance.

But we are also facing a brutal funding crunch and we are reimagining the entire humanitarian enterprise. At the heart of this humanitarian reset will be three simple ideas: we will be smaller, closer to those we serve and robust in the protection of civilians. Education is one of our most powerful tools in this endeavour, and multilateral funds like Education Cannot Wait – thanks to the vision, courage, tenacity and leadership of Sarah and Gordon Brown, the latter also ECW’s founder – give us the means to deliver hope. Failing to fund education means we don’t just turn our backs on children, but we risk perpetuating the very cycles of poverty and instability we claim to fight.

ECW: The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN-OCHA) drives global efforts to respond to humanitarian crises in Sudan, Ukraine, Gaza and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, among others. Why is education crucial in humanitarian crises, and how does it foster peace, security and economic development for all?

Tom Fletcher: In conflict-affected countries, one in three children – approximately 103 million children – are out of school, which is three times the global rate (Save the Children analysis 27 Dec 2024). Addressing this educational gap is essential: Education promotes understanding and helps young people turn away from the pull of extremist ideologies. In the long run, education drives economic progress by giving girls and boys the tools to build their own futures. That is why, even amidst a war, the classroom can be the most powerful place – a space where children can rediscover hope, dignity and purpose.

In every humanitarian crisis I’ve seen, once people find safety, education is among the first services they seek. It’s where healing begins. It’s where recovery takes root. Education is the antidote to despair and division because it teaches young people how to reclaim their place in the world.

ECW: UN-OCHA plays a key role in support of ECW investments in education in emergencies and protracted crises through its humanitarian coordination system which, alongside UNHCR’s refugee coordination role, is essential to the efficient, effective delivery of quality education in crises. Why are the UN-OCHA and UNHCR coordination systems crucial, and how can they be further strengthened?

Tom Fletcher: Coordination isn’t a bureaucratic nicety – it’s how we save more lives with the resources we have. Alongside UNHCR and our many partners, we form the backbone of a coordinated humanitarian response – to support our frontline colleagues’ efforts to reach people in their hour of greatest need. But we can and must do better. This means handing over decision-making power to partners on the ground who know their communities best, streamlining processes to reduce duplication and investing in local capacity. Our mantra must be: Local where possible and international only when necessary. That’s how we can ensure that education in emergencies arrives quickly in a way that truly meets the needs of the communities we serve.

ECW: We all know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally?

Tom Fletcher:
“Ministry of the Future” by Kim Stanley Robinson
“Silk Roads” by Peter Frankopan
“Team of Rivals” by Doris Kearns Goodwin

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Categories: Africa

A Natural Disaster that Has Affected More People Worldwide Than Any Other

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 08:08

Livestock in eastern Mauritania are dying due to drought. Credit: UNHCR/Caroline Irby

By Danielle Nierenberg
BALTIMORE, Maryland, May 14 2025 (IPS)

Here’s a question: Over the past 40 years, what natural disaster has affected more people around the globe than any other?

The answer, according the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), is drought.

The past 10 years have been the hottest 10 years on record, and higher temperatures and drier conditions are making more regions vulnerable to drought and arid land degradation, or desertification. This process is “a silent, invisible crisis that is destabilizing communities on a global scale,” according to the U.N. Office for Disaster Risk Reduction.

Globally, the nearly 2 billion people who live in dryland areas are often the first to face hunger, thirst, and the devastating effects of poor soil and environmental decline, says Dr. ML Jat, the Director of Resilient Farm and Food Systems at the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT).

And the next generations will feel the effects: UNICEF predicts that, by 2040, one in four children will live in areas of extremely high water stress. But there is a path toward a better future—there are farming and food-system solutions that allow us to nourish communities in hotter, drier climates.

Indigenous crops, for example, are naturally adapted to the extreme weather in desert regions and can strengthen food security, community health, and local ecosystems. I’ve long admired the work of organizations like Native Seeds/SEARCH, which conserves seeds so they can continue to benefit the peoples in the Southwest and Mexico, and the Arizona Alliance for Climate-Smart Crops, which supports farmers in adopting climate-smart crops and practices that conserve water.

“Wild desert plants have a remarkable number of adaptations to cope with heat, drought, unpredictable rainfall, and poor soils—the sorts of stressful growing conditions we are already seeing and expect to see more of in the future,” Dr. Erin Riordan of the University of Arizona told Food Tank.

And at the same time, there are innovative solutions we can elevate to restore degraded landscapes and combat further desertification! The UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) is supporting several amazing projects in Africa, including the Great Green Wall Initiative, which works across 22 countries to revitalize fertile land and transform lives.

And in Somalia, UNDP is partnering with local leaders to construct reservoirs and dams to improve water access and address deforestation and desertification.

We can’t solve these challenges alone. A fascinating new ICRISAT report looks at the power of microbes to boost crop yields and restore soil health in dryland farming systems. These microbes could include bacteria that improve nitrogen-fixation, which can improve soil fertility, and other microorganisms that can control diseases and crop pests.

And we need a whole-of-society approach to combating desertification—especially in parts of the world that have not traditionally struggled with arid landscapes and water scarcity, because, as we know, natural disasters like drought are affecting more and more people as the climate crisis deepens.

As he always does, author and agro-ecologist Gary Paul Nabhan writes powerfully about what all of us across the entire food system must do to prioritize Indigenous crops and adapt to changing environments.

“If farmers shift what crops they grow, they will need consumers, cooks, and chefs to adapt what they are willing to prepare and eat in the new normal,” he wrote in a great op-ed for us at Food Tank. “It is time to turn the corner from corn and soy monocultures to the sesames, prickly pear cactus, garbanzos, millets and mulberries of the world that desert dwellers have eaten in delicious dishes for millennia.”

How are food and agriculture system leaders in your community working to protect land from becoming degraded? I love hearing stories of creative solutions, like the ones I’ve highlighted here, so please say hello at danielle@foodtank.com and tell me about the microbes, Indigenous crops, and land management techniques that will help us nourish our neighbors and adapt our food systems in hotter, drier climates.

Food Tank is a registered 501(c)(3), and all donations are tax-deductible. Danielle Nierenberg has served as President since the organization began and Bernard Pollack is the Chair of the Board of Directors.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Hungary’s LGBTQI Amendment an Affront to Human Rights, Say Activists

Tue, 05/13/2025 - 12:25

An amendment to Hungary’s constitution includes the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers. Credit: Sara Rampazzo/Unsplash

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, May 13 2025 (IPS)

A controversial amendment to Hungary’s constitution has left the country’s LGBTQI community both defiant and fearful, rights groups have said.

The amendment, passed by parliament on April 14, includes, among others, the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers, with penalties including large fines and, in certain cases, imprisonment.

It also allows for the use of real-time facial recognition technologies for the identification of protestors.

It has been condemned by domestic and international rights groups and members of the European Parliament (MEPs) as an assault on not just the LGBTQI community but wider human rights.

And there are now fears it will lead to a rise in violence against LGBTQI people whose rights have been gradually eroded in recent years under populist prime minister Viktor Orban’s authoritarian regime.

“There is serious concern that this legislative package could lead to an increase in threats, harassment, and violence against LGBTI communities in Hungary. When authorities criminalise Pride organisers and create a chilling effect on peaceful assembly, it not only emboldens hostile rhetoric but also signals impunity for those who wish to intimidate or harm LGBTI people,” Katja Štefanec Gärtner, Communications and Media Officer, ILGA-Europe, told IPS.

“The risks are not theoretical. Pride marches have long been a target for extremist groups, and this legal crackdown sends a dangerous message: that state institutions may no longer protect those marching but instead criminalise them. This creates an unsafe and unpredictable environment for all those standing up for human rights and democratic freedoms,” she added.

The amendment codifies legislation already passed in March banning LGBTQI events. It was met with widespread outrage in the LGBTQI community in Hungary. But there was also defiance, with Pride organisers insisting the event would go ahead.

Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karácsony, also backed the organisers, pledging last month to help them find a way to hold the event despite the new legislation.

But while LGBTQI activists have said they will not give in to the new law, groups working with the community say some LGBTQI people have been shaken by the legislation.

“Depending on who you speak to, the mood now among the LGBTQI community is one of fear and worry or defiance,” Luca Dudits, press spokesperson for the Hatter Society, one of Hungary’s largest LGBTQI NGOs, told IPS.

“We will see how the new provisions [in the amendment] will affect the lives of LGBTQI people in the upcoming months, especially in June, which is Pride month, with the march taking place on the 28th,” she added, noting that after legislation was passed in 2021 banning the depiction and promotion of “diverse gender identities and sexual orientations” to under 18s, there had been “a wave of violence and discrimination against LGBTQI people”.

“I’m hoping this will not be the case this time. A lot of people have expressed their solidarity and said that they will attend the Pride March for the first time because of this shameful constitutional amendment,” Dudits said.

Outside Hungary, organisations and politicians have also raised the alarm over the legislation.

In a letter sent to the European Commission (EC) on April 16, dozens of LGBTQI and human rights organisations demanded the EC take immediate action to ensure the event can go ahead and that people can safely attend.

They said the ban on LGBTQI events was an attack on EU fundamental rights of freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression and that its provisions marked a significant infringement on privacy and personal freedoms protected under EU law.

Meanwhile, MEPs among a delegation which visited Hungary from April 14-16 attacked the ban and said they were calling on the EC to request the European Court of Justice to suspend the law pending further legal action.

One of the MEPs, Krzysztof Smiszek, of the Polish New Left, said the new law had led to a rise in violent attacks and hate crimes against the LGBTQI community in Hungary.

The government has defended the amendment, with Orban saying after the vote in parliament that it was designed to “protect children’s development, affirming that a person is born either male or female, and standing firm against drugs and foreign interference”.

The amendment also declares that children’s rights take precedence over any other fundamental right (except the right to life) and codifies in the Constitution the recognition of only two sexes – male and female – essentially denying transgender and intersex identities.

It also allows for the suspension of Hungarian citizenship for some dual nationals if they are deemed to pose a threat to Hungary’s security or sovereignty.

Many observers see the ban and the other measures included in the amendment as part of a wider attempt by Orban’s regime to suppress dissent and weaken rights protections as it looks to consolidate its grip on power by scapegoating parts of the population, including not just LGBTQI people but migrants and civil society groups, to appeal to conservative voters.

“Authoritarian governments around the world have discovered a playbook for keeping in power – it involves vilifying certain communities. That’s the logic behind attacks on LGBTQI communities and that’s what’s behind this. I don’t think Orban cares one way or the other about LGBT people; it’s just that they are an easy target,” Neela Ghoshal, Senior Director of Law, Policy, and Research at LGBTQI group Outright International, told IPS.

“Once you prohibit one form of protest or dissent, it becomes easier to prohibit all forms of dissent. I really do think Orban wants to prohibit all forms of dissent. He is seeking absolute power; he is not interested in the traditional architecture of democracy, i.e., checks and balances and accountability,” she added.

Dudits also pointed out the absurdity of the reasoning behind the government’s defence of the amendment.

“It is true that a large majority of society are either male or female. However, there are some people who have sex characteristics (chromosomes, hormones, external and internal sex organs, and body structure) that are common to both sexes. Intersex conditions occur in many different forms and cover a wide range of health conditions. The amendment is therefore even scientifically unsound, contradicting the very biological reality that it claims to be defending so belligerently,” she said.

If picking up voter support is behind the regime’s attacks on its perceived critics, it is unclear to what extent this policy is working.

Parliamentary elections are due to be held in Hungary in April next year and current polls put Orban’s Fidesz party – which has been in power since 2010 – behind the main opposition party, Tisza, amid voter concerns about a struggling economy, a crumbling healthcare system, and alleged government corruption.

Meanwhile, although some MEPs have publicly condemned the amendment, since the parliamentary vote the EC has said only that it needs to analyse the legislative changes to see if they fall foul of EU law but would not hesitate to act if necessary.

Rights groups say EU bodies must take action or risk allowing even greater curbs on freedoms in Hungary under Orban.

“From scapegoating LGBT people to suspending Hungarian citizenship of dual citizens, the Hungarian government is cementing a legal framework that is hostile to the rule of law, equality, and democracy in blatant violation of EU law,” Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in a press release.

“Orban has shown once more his willingness to trample rights and shred protections, and there is no reason to think he won’t continue on this authoritarian path. EU institutions and member states should stand in solidarity with those in Hungary upholding EU values and do everything they can to halt the downward spiral toward authoritarianism,” he added.

Ghoshal said, though, that whatever happens, the LGBTQI community in Hungary would not give up their rights.

“The community has been through cycles of oppression and freedom. The younger members might not be able to remember it, but older members of the community will know what it is like to live under an authoritarian regime; it is in the country’s history. They have also had a taste of freedom too and they will not want to give that up.

“I think there will be a Pride march and I think there could be state violence and arrests there, but the community will remain defiant no matter what,” she said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

UN80 Initiative: Equipping the Organization in an Era of Extraordinary Uncertainty

Tue, 05/13/2025 - 11:35

Credit: UN Photo/Laura Jarriel

By Antonio Guterres
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 (IPS)

Next month marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations Charter.

The Charter is our roadmap to a better world – our owner’s manual setting out purposes and principles – and our practical guide to advancing the three pillars of our work: peace and security, development and human rights.

Anniversaries are a time to look back and celebrate – but they are even more a time to cast our eyes to the future. It is only natural – especially in a period of turbulence and tumult – to look ahead and ask central questions:

How can we be the most effective Organization that we can be? How can we be more nimble, coordinated and fit to face the challenges of today, the next decade, and indeed the next 80 years?

The UN80 Initiative is anchored in answering these questions – and equipping our organization in an era of extraordinary uncertainty.

Yes, these are times of peril.

But they are also times of profound opportunity and obligation. The mission of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. And it is up to us to intensify our efforts to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals and be laser-focused on implementing the Pact for the Future with its many pathways to strengthen multilateralism.

As indicated in my letter of 11 March, the UN80 Initiative is structured around three key workstreams:

First, we are striving to rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements under current arrangements.

Second, we are reviewing the implementation of all mandates given to us by Member States.

And third, we are undertaking consideration of the need for structural changes and programme realignment across the UN system.

Under the first workstream on efficiencies and improvements, Under-Secretary-General Catherine Pollard is leading a Working Group for the Secretariat that is developing a management strategy to design a new business model for the Organization.

The Working Group is focused on developing cost-reduction and efficiency-enhancement proposals in management and operations across the UN Secretariat.

It is reviewing administrative functions to identify redundancies, streamline processes, and design integrated solutions – with cost-benefit analyses and clear implementation roadmaps.

Priority areas include:

Functional and structural consolidation; Workforce streamlining; Relocating services from high-cost duty stations; Centralizing IT and support services, and expanding automation and digital platforms.

While the Working Group’s immediate focus is on management and operational areas, the rest of the Secretariat will be expected to contribute towards the efficiency agenda.

For example, all Secretariat entities in New York and Geneva have been asked to review their functions to determine if any can be performed from existing, lower-cost locations, or may otherwise be reduced or abolished.

This especially pertains to those functions that do not directly support inter-governmental bodies in New York and Geneva.

With respect to the broader UN system, in April, the High-Level Committee on Management identified potential system-wide efficiency measures in areas such as human resources management, supply chain management and information and communications technologies.

Concrete proposals are now being developed, including identifying services that system organizations can provide quicker, at a lower price or through more competitive contracts.

This brings me to the second workstream: mandate implementation review.

As stated in my 11 March letter, this workstream is about how the UN system implements mandates entrusted by Member States.

We will not review the mandates themselves. Those are yours to decide on. Our job is to examine and report on how we carry them out, and our goal is to simplify and optimize how we do so.

Nearly twenty years ago, in 2006, an analysis of mandates and the “mandate-generation cycle” was carried out by the Secretariat.

A number of problems were identified, including burdensome reporting requirements, overlap between and within organs, an unwieldy and duplicative architecture for implementation, and gaps between mandates and resources.

But let’s be frank. Most of these problems are not only still with us – they have intensified.
We must do better.

Our review will be conducted holistically – looking at the entire universe of mandates, and at the entirety of their implementation. This review, therefore, cannot be limited to the UN Secretariat, but it will start there.

We have already completed an identification of all mandates reflected in the programme budget – and will soon do so for the rest of the system.

The review has so far identified over 3,600 unique mandates for the Secretariat alone. It is now deepening its examination, clustering these mandates using various analytical lenses.

After this analytical work, relevant entities and departments will be invited to identify opportunities for improvements and consolidation of efforts.

This should result in the identification of duplications, redundancies, or opportunities for greater synergy on implementation. Naturally, based on this work, Member States may wish to consider the opportunity to conduct themselves a review of the mandates.

There can be no doubt that the thousands of mandates in place today – and our machinery to implement them – stretch the capacities of Member States, especially those with smaller missions, and the UN system beyond reason.

It is as if we have allowed the formalism and quantity of reports and meetings to become ends in themselves.

The measure of success is not the volume of reports we generate or the number of meetings we convene. The measure of success – the value, purpose and aim of our work – is in the real-world difference we make in the lives of people.

This brings me to the third workstream: structural changes.

Proposals on structural change and programme realignment are likely to emerge from the mandate implementation review. But we have already got the ball rolling by soliciting the views of a number of UN senior leaders.

Their initial submissions – nearly 50 in all – show a high level of ambition and creativity.

Last week, we deepened some of our ideas and thinking about structural changes in a dedicated session of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination.

I felt a strong sense of collective determination and responsibility from the leaders of UN entities – a shared resolve to strengthen the system and assume the challenge of change and renewal – and a united commitment to bring to you, our Member States, concrete and ambitious proposals for a renewed United Nations.

The UN system is highly diverse consisting of organizations with a wide variety of structures and mandates. To advance our three workstreams, I have established seven UN80 clusters – under the coordination of the UN80 Task Force and in close cooperation with the Secretariat Working Group.

Each of the seven clusters bring together the organizations that contribute to a similar specific global objectives and similar areas of work. They will advance efforts in the three UN80 workstreams – identifying efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation review, and possible structural changes.

They will be managed at the Principals’ level and will consist of the following:

Peace and security, coordinated by DPPA, DPO, OCT, and ODA;

Development in the Secretariat and in development we have two clusters because the work in the Secretariat is very different from the work in the Agencies, but the two clusters will be working very closely together. So, development in the Secretariat is coordinated by DESA, UNCTAD, ECA, and UNEP;

Development (UN System), coordinated by UNDP, UNOPS, UNICEF and DCO;

Humanitarian, coordinated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM; Human Rights, coordinated by OHCHR; Training and Research, coordinated by UNU and UNITAR; and finally Specialized Agencies, coordinated by ITU and ILO.

They will be the locomotive force for concrete proposals. And they will operate at the high level of ambition that our times demand – and that also echo in large measure the calls contained in the Pact for the Future.

In all three workstreams, my objective is to move as quickly as possible.

Initiatives impacting on the [Proposed] Programme Budget for 2026 prepared under the coordination of the Secretariat Working Group will be included in the revised estimates for the 2026 budget to be presented in September.

As you know, the budget for 2026, the proposal was already given to ACABQ some time ago and it will be impossible to change it at the present moment. We will revise our proposals and present the revised version in September on time for the process to take place for the approval of the budget before the end of the year.

Additional changes that require more detailed analysis will be presented in the proposal for the Proposed Programme Budget for 2027. We expect meaningful reductions in the overall budget level.

For example, let me describe what is under consideration in the peace and security cluster.

First – resetting DPPA and DPO, merging units, eliminating functional and structural duplications, getting rid of functions that are also exercised in other parts of the system. I believe we’ll be able to eliminate 20% of the posts of the two departments.

Second – a similar exercise of streamlining the civilian part of Peacekeeping.

Third – The consolidation within OCT of all counterterrorism activities spread in the system.

Fourth – a review of the present structure of Regional Offices, Special Representatives and Envoys aiming at a consolidation of the system – with increased functionality and meaningful savings.

The level of reduction of posts that I have outlined for DPPA and DPO must be seen as a reference for the wider UN80 exercise, naturally taking into account the specificities of each area of work.

There might be immediate, one-off costs involved in relocating staff and providing potential termination packages. But by moving posts from high-cost locations, we can reduce our commercial footprint in those cities and reduce our post and non-post costs.

We have already seen considerable savings in New York by terminating the lease of one building and moving staff into other existing premises – and we expect to close two more buildings when their leases expire in 2027 with considerable savings.

While the regular budget is our immediate focus, the efficiency efforts will include the entire Secretariat across all funding streams. This will entail some difficult decisions as we assess structures and processes and seek meaningful efficiencies.

The impact on Member State contributions will be visible for years. But we cannot achieve the efficiencies required unless we also focus on the programmatic areas of our work.

Dedicated outreach with the wider UN system is now underway, and will take profit of the work of the established clusters. Additional proposals resulting from the other workstreams will be submitted to Member States for consideration as appropriate.

Many changes will require the approval by the General Assembly this year and next. I will consult closely and regularly with Member States on progress, seeking guidance on the way forward, and presenting concrete proposals for discussion and decision-making when appropriate.

We know that some of these changes will be painful for our UN family. Staff and their representatives are being consulted and heard. Our concern is to be humane and professional in dealing with any aspect of the required restructuring.

The UN80 Initiative is a significant opportunity to strengthen the UN system and deliver for those who depend on us.

It is central for implementing the Pact for the Future. It is crucial for advancing the Sustainable Development Goals. The needs of the people we serve must remain our guiding star.

We must always stick to principles. We must never compromise core values. We must forever uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

We will advance all this work so that our three pillars – peace and security, development and human rights – are mutually reinforced, and the geographical balance of our workforce and our gender and disability strategies will be preserved.

And we will be ever mindful of the interests of all Member States – developing countries, in particular. Your active engagement and support for the UN80 Initiative is vital to ensure that efforts are inclusive, innovative, and representative of the needs of all Member States.

The success of the UN80 Initiative depends on all of us living up to our shared and complementary responsibilities. Many decisions ultimately are in your hands as Member States. Many of you have agreed that this must be the moment to be bold and ambitious.

That is what our Organization needs – and that is what our times demand. Make no mistake – uncomfortable and difficult decisions lie ahead.

It may be easier – and even tempting – to ignore them or kick the can down the road.
But that road is a dead end. We cannot afford to act in any other way than with the highest level of ambition and common purpose.

Let us seize this momentum with urgency and determination, and work together to build the strongest and most effective United Nations for today and tomorrow.

IPS UN Bureau

Excerpt:

UN Secretary-General’s briefing to delegates on the UN80 initiative.

Categories: Africa

UN’s Proposed Structural Changes Laid Out in a “Strictly Confidential” Internal Document

Tue, 05/13/2025 - 08:10

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 (IPS)

A six-page internal document, marked “STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL” on every single page – indicating restricted access to protect sensitive information– is one of the most comprehensive “compilation of non-attributable suggestions by the UN80 Task Force” on the proposed restructuring of the world body.

The memo says “the progressive proliferation of UN agencies, funds, and programs has led to a fragmented development system, with overlapping mandates, inefficient use of resources, and inconsistent delivery of services”.

Excerpts from the document.

• Outdated working methods leading to inefficiencies while intergovernmental meetings are not making use of modern tools and technologies.

• Overlapping agendas – such as between ECOSOC and its functional commissions and expert bodies, and those of the General Assembly and its Second and Third Committees – leading to duplication of efforts.

• Geopolitical shifts and substantial reductions in foreign aid budgets challenging the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Organization and

• the continued inflation of Under-Secretaries-General (USG), Assistant Secretaries-General (ASG) and Directors (D) positions.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres

Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury, a former Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the UN (2002-2007) and Permanent Representative of Bangladesh to the UN (1996-2001), told IPS Secretary-General Antonio Guterres would be remembered for introducing fancy nomenclature for his initiatives such as “Pact for the Future” which got acronymized as POTF and UN 2.0 and now UN80.

“It is difficult to understand why the long overdue structural and programmatic reforms of the UN system need to be timed with the organization’s 80th anniversary. Expectedly, such anniversary-rationaled and liquidity-crunch-panic-driven, window-dressing reform agenda would face major challenges before it takes off.”

Since it was launched at the beginning of last March, the UN80 initiative has not been discussed with the UN Member States who would decide its fate or civil society, or most importantly, , its staff the backbone of the organization, and its staff members who are expected to be most directly affected in a major way, said Ambassador Chowdhury, who was also the Chairman of the UN General Assembly’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee (1997-1998)

“These so-called structural reforms have been on the agenda of at least for the last four Secretaries-General but without having much significant impact, except acronym-changing, mandate-creeping and structure-tweaking”.

The internal confidential memo has identified systemic dysfunctions, namely, mandate overlap, bureaucratic sprawl, slow decision-making, and a disconnect between headquarters and field realities.

The multiplication of senior posts and competition among entities have undermined collaboration and confused partners on the ground, he said.

“I believe the UN is resilient enough to overcome the multiple crises it has been facing for years. The SG needs to show determination and solidarity with the staff under his leadership without succumbing to the undue pressures.”

DOGE-UN like efforts needs to be dodged effectively by the leadership of the UN. It is not a make-or-break situation. The SG needs to speak openly and publicly with the staff as a part of the initiative to wither the storm, said Ambassador Chowdhury.

As a senior UN official conversant with the issues said recently “Restructuring and merging UN entities are not a panacea for the UN’s problems. They should be embarked upon only if they lead to a more effective and efficient organization.”

“I agree fully with him and emphasize that the UN should take this challenge as an opportunity to change”, he declared.

Samir Sanbar, a former Assistant Secretary-General and head of the UN’s one-time Department of Public Information (DPI) told IPS: “Reform and Restructuring” were terms habitually and conveniently used to erode international civil service and undercut relevant potential initiatives by the Secretary-General whose vague role in the Charter allows for varied interpretations by different Secretaries General.

The “big five” permanent members (P5) may disagree in politics yet discreetly agree to influence basic decisions inside the Secretariat. The United Nations clearly needs the big powers to survive yet it needs the developing countries to succeed, he argued.

Meanwhile, the document also refers to Systemic solutions:

• Advance a more streamlined, impactful, and fiscally responsible organization by building on three core principles: integration to foster greater mandate coherence, consolidation to improve functional efficiency, and coordination to enhance overall effectiveness.

• Move towards a more integrated and collaborative model whose footprint reflects fiscal responsibility.

• Rationalize programmes/entities implementing similar mandates to eliminate redundancy and ensure a strategic reduction of the UN’s presence in high-cost locations to ensure long-term financial sustainability.

• Position reforms as proactive measures to enhance UN agility and responsiveness that extends beyond measures for cost-cutting or austerity.

• Ensure a system-wide commitment to delivering the UN’s mandate in ways that are principled, forward-looking, innovative and effective.

• Increase scale for greater impact.

• Reduce number of high-level posts (D1 and above)

Peace & Security

Merge multiple entities into a single Peace and Security entity.

— Establish a UN Peace & Security Department managing political, peace & peacebuilding engagement globally, including DPPA, DOS, DPO, ODA, UNODC, OCT, OSAA.

— Establish a single Department of Political Affairs and Peace Operations by merging DPPA and DPO, headed by a single USG. Consolidate substantive/technical support functions for peace in one structural location.

— [Partial merger] Comprehensive restructuring of DPO and DPPA, further consolidating their regional divisions and policy divisions to eliminate redundancies, improve coordination, and enhance the relevance of policies.

–Consider moving Peace and Security resources closer to the field.

— Consider a regional approach and decentralisation policy for Secretariat entities. Send the regional and policy offices for DPA, DPKO, OCHA to their respective regions to be nearer the areas they cover, just like the Agencies, Funds and Programmes have done. The USG, ASG with respective front offices, as well as offices that directly support the GA, various committees and the Security Council, should remain in New York.

— Consider strategic relocation of peace and security personnel closer to field missions to improve responsiveness and effectiveness.

— Decentralize a significant percentage of political, peace & peacebuilding resources to regional levels and UNCTs.

— Consolidate Special Envoy and Special Advisor mandates to eliminate overlaps, such as UNOCA overlapping mandate with MINUSCA and MONUSCO; and, the SRSG for Horn of Africa and SRSG for the Great Lakes’ overlapping mandates with the countries they cover. Consider a possible merger of UNOAU and the Great Lakes Office.

–Establish a single Office for Counter-Terrorism, by merging OCT and UNODC’s counterterrorism related policy functions or a broader merger of the two entities.

— Establish a single Office for Disarmament Affairs with USG/High Representative for Disarmament relocating and also serving as Director-General of UNOG. Integrate ODA’s regional programmatic capacities into UN’s regional hubs or broader regional UN presences.

–Strengthen coordination between UNIDIR and OPCW. Consider merging UNIDIR with UNITAR and further consolidate with other research & training institutes.

Humanitarian Affairs

Merge multiple entities into a single humanitarian entity.

— Create a streamlined “UN Humanitarian Response and Protection Organization”, by integrating OCHA, UNHCR and IOM, leveraging WFP’s expertise for material assistance procurement, distribution and logistics.

— Establish a UN Humanitarian Operations Department managing UN-wide humanitarian preparedness and response, including OCHA, WFP, UNRWA and a UN Refugee & Migration Agency (merging UNHCR and IOM). Consider whether UNDP Crisis Bureau should be consolidated into Department.

— Merge operational responsibilities and capabilities of major operational agencies (WFP, UNHCR, UNICEF, WHO) in humanitarian and conflict affected contexts.

–Merge Rome-based agencies’ operational capacity.

–Align programmes for overlapping agencies: UNHCR and IOM; WFP and FAO; etc.

–Consider whether OCHA should remain in New York or move to ensure field operations are much more localized with implementing partners.

Sustainable Development

–Consolidate and reduce the number of UN development system entities.

— Establish a UN Sustainable Development Department that consolidates relevant entities to ensure cohesive and integrated support for the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, including: (Secretariat entities) DCO, DESA, UNDRR, UN-OHRLLS and (other entities) UNDP, UNCDF, UNV, UNRISD, FAO, IFAD, UN-Habitat, WHO, UN-Women, UNESCO, UNICEF, UNEP, WB, IMF, WTO, UNOPS, UNICEF, UNIDO, UNESCO.

— Migrate financially non-viable entities. For example, UNAIDS, under severe financial pressure and with a sunset clause of 2030, could transition into another, larger entity such as WHO or UNDP.

— Merge UNDP and UNOPS, creating a single entity to seamlessly integrate strategic planning with project implementation. Integrate the International Computing Centre (ICC) to provide efficient and tailored IT support.

–Integrate UNFCCC into UNEP to create a stronger global environment authority and consolidating the administrative functions under UNON’s existing support structure for UNEP. Consider whether COP in current form should be discontinued.

— Strategic integration of UNAIDS into WHO, creating a more unified and efficient global health authority. o Merge UN WOMEN and UNFPA to create a powerful new entity focused on advancing gender equality and reproductive health and rights.

–Align select UNICEF programmes with this new entity, especially those focused on adolescent girls’ well-being and gender-based violence prevention and response. o Center the structural reform proposals around our four basic pillars, each with a geographic focus (Nairobi/ Africa should be the center of development agencies, including UNDP/ UNICEF/ UNFPA).

Strengthen coordination among development entities, including:

— Enhance coordination between the UNEP and UN-Habitat to promote sustainable urban development.

— Enhance coordination between UNCTAD and ITC to effectively integrate policy expertise with capacity-building, resulting in more impactful programmes.

–Reorganizing UNDP’s Regional Bureaux around countries’ shared development challenges rather than traditional geographic regions would improve programme relevance, resource allocation, and partnerships with multilateral banks.

— Consolidate Functional Commissions under ECOSOC; rotate Functional Commission meetings to be held among Regional Commissions or hold them in Nairobi; consider replacing annual with biennial sessions.

Human Rights

–Merge multiple entities into a single human rights entity.

— Establish a unified “Office for the Protection of Vulnerable Populations” by consolidating offices dealing with protection issues affecting vulnerable populations (CAAC, SVC, VAC, SEA) within OHCHR.

— Consolidate the specialized protection mandates and offices in OHCHR, with each area headed at Director level, reporting to ASG/OHCHR.

— Establish a UN Human Rights Department led by High Commissioner for Human Rights, coordinating human rights promotion and protection across the UN system, including servicing the UN human rights mechanisms and integrating human rights into sustainable development, peace & security and humanitarian engagement.

–Merge protection mandates (CAAC, SVC, VAC, Genocide Prevention & Responsibility to Protect into the Department. Reduce senior posts by replacing existing 4 USGs + 1 ASG with 1 ASG + 1 D2 + 2 D1s, thereby lowering costs, and redistribute existing resources from respective offices across the Department – prioritizing use of RB resources to fulfill existing mandates

Resident Coordinators system

–Streamline coordination arrangements at country, regional and global levels by transitioning current coordination arrangements, including fixed RCs, RCOs with rigidly defined staff capacities and a large DCO headquarters and regional presence into a smaller and more focused support structure.

–Explore rotational leadership among UN Country Team heads to maintain UN coherence without fixed infrastructure, supported by an agile and lean DCO that would support the UNSDG as its Secretariat. Only in cases of humanitarian emergencies, dedicated RC/HCs would be necessary to deploy, given the complexity of these settings.

–Boost coordination/leadership role of RC/HC, including clearer oversight of agencies in country and a prioritised country strategy. • Strengthen coordination between the UN Resident Coordinator System and the Regional Economic Commissions to foster integrated regional development strategies, improve data sharing and enhance policy advocacy.

–Consider a strategic reduction of the Resident Coordinator System’s presence in countries to optimize resource allocation and promote greater national ownership of development initiatives.

–Consider a fundamental re-orientation of the UN system’s country-level engagement, including by folding in peace and political missions and ensuring that RCs can utilize pooled funds to reconfigure and tailor engagement based on changes on the ground.

Cross-cutting proposals Structural

–Establish an Executive Secretariat supporting the Secretary-General’s leadership and coordination of the UN system by managing all corporate services, including: administration, management, communications, human resources, policy, strategic planning, secretariat support to Charter-based organs. The Executive Secretariat would include EOSG, DGACM, DGC, DMSPC, OLA, DSS, OIOS, Ethics Office, Ombuds, Administration of Justice, UNON, UNOV, UNOP & UNOG.

–Establish a unified ‘Normative Policy Hub’, which could consolidate several functions: o Elements of OHRLLS focused on development advocacy, into other entities’ global policy functions.

— Other small Secretariat offices with thematic mandates on human rights, civic space, migration policy, and innovation, where mandate complementarity exists.

–Streamline/merge thematic Special Envoy offices, including the Office of the Special Envoy for Africa and the Office of the SRSG to the African Union; the Office of the Tech Envoy; Offices of Special Envoys / Advisers with narrow or duplicated mandates, e.g. Indigenous Issues, Small Island States.

–Conduct cost-benefit analyses for merging entities serving similar sectors or audiences (e.g., digital, youth-focused initiatives); consider integrating them into unified units with shared resources.

Other proposals

–Revisit the frequency of intergovernmental meetings; streamline reporting processes; explore alternative information-sharing tools and formats such as policy briefs or dashboards like SDG tools instead of written annual reports by the Secretary-General; digitize processes using real-time platforms and data tools, to better support hybrid and virtual meetings.

–Before creating new offices, make all efforts to delegate functions to existing structures.

–Avoid creating new coordination mechanisms (especially multi-layer coordination) and strengthen existing coordination mechanisms.

–More coherent approach to future: climate change/AI/cyber/big tech/data: consolidate various units into centralized capacity under a USG for the future.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

The Indus Water Treaty Suspension: A Wake-Up Call for Asia–Pacific Unity ?

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 20:38

Confluence of the Indus and Zanskar Rivers Credit: martinho Smart/shutterstock.com

By Sinéad Barry and Emma Whitaker
May 12 2025 (IPS)

On April 23, India suspended the Indus Water Treaty (IWT), a 65-year-old agreement that had been a rare symbol of cooperation between India and Pakistan despite decades of hostility. The suspension came a day after militants attacked civilians in Jammu and Kashmir, a disputed region, killing 26 people, most of them Indian tourists. India accused Pakistan of supporting “cross-border terrorism” and responded by halting the treaty. Pakistan denied involvement in the attack and called India’s move an “act of war.”

The IWT, signed in 1960, was a landmark agreement that allowed the two countries to share the water of the Indus River system. It gave India control over the eastern tributaries (Ravi, Sutlej, and Beas), and Pakistan control over the western tributaries (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab). Beyond water-sharing, the treaty established mechanisms for data sharing, technical cooperation and dispute resolution. For decades, the treaty was celebrated as a triumph of diplomacy and environmental cooperation. But its suspension now threatens to unravel this legacy, with devastating consequences – especially for Pakistan.

Why the IWT Matters

Pakistan’s economy depends heavily on agriculture, which employs nearly 70% of its rural workforce. The Indus River irrigates 80% of the country’s farmland, making it a lifeline for millions. If India were to divert or reduce water flows, it could cripple Pakistan’s agriculture, triggering widespread food insecurity and economic instability. The stakes are high, and the consequences of failing to manage shared water resources responsibly would ripple far beyond Pakistan’s borders.

The timing of the IWT’s suspension couldn’t be worse. Climate and environmental risks are escalating across the Asia–Pacific region, with extreme weather events becoming more frequent and severe. Between 2008-2023, floods displaced 57 million people in India alone. In Pakistan, floods have not only destroyed homes but have also degraded soil quality, leaving farmers unable to grow enough crops to survive. These pressures are driving migration to cities, where migrants face exploitative conditions and often accrue large debts.

Climate Risks and Regional Instability

The link between climate change and regional instability is becoming impossible to ignore. In Central Asia, a 2021 clash over transboundary water resources between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan left 50 dead and displaced 10,000 others. In the Pacific, rising sea levels are forcing entire communities to relocate, sparking tensions in countries like Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. Meanwhile, large-scale infrastructure projects, such as hydroelectric dams in Southeast Asia, are displacing thousands and straining relations between countries like Laos, Thailand and Vietnam.

The demand for critical minerals to build renewable energy sources is adding another layer of complexity. Competition between China and the U.S over these resources is heightening global tensions. Critical mineral mining is also fuelling exploitation and violence in mining regions, like the Philippines and Indonesia. These examples highlight a troubling reality: climate and environmental risks are not just environmental issues – they are also security issues.

The Case for Regional Cooperation

Responding to these challenges requires a collective approach. Climate risks don’t respect national borders, and attempting to tackle them in isolation is a losing strategy. Cooperation offers a way to pool resources, share knowledge, and build resilience. For low-income countries in particular, regional solidarity—through climate finance, data sharing and technological transfer—could mean the difference between survival or collapse.

But cooperation isn’t just about survival; it’s also about seizing opportunities. Joint climate action can strengthen regional ties, foster peace and create shared prosperity. Cross-border collaboration on climate and environmental issues can connect institutions, research communities, and civil society, laying the groundwork to tackle future challenges. By working together, the Asia–Pacific region can turn shared challenges into shared strengths.

The suspension of the IWT is a wake-up call. At a time when cooperation is more critical than ever, we cannot afford to let geopolitical tensions derail climate action. The Asia–Pacific region faces immense challenges, but it also holds immense potential. By prioritising collaboration over confrontation, the climate crisis could provide an opportunity for peace, resilience, and shared prosperity. The path forward won’t be easy, but it’s the only path worth taking.

Sinéad Barry is an Analyst at adelphi’s Climate Diplomacy and Security programme.
Emma Whitaker is a Senior Advisor at adelphi’s Climate Diplomacy and Security programme.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Former Energy Ministers from Saint Lucia and Uruguay Named REN21 Renewable Energy Champions

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 13:18

Dr James Fletcher (left) and Ramón Méndez Galain (right) at the launch of the REN21 Renewable Energy Champions Initiative in Miami. Credit: Alison Kentish/IPS

By Alison Kentish
MIAMI, Florida, USA, May 12 2025 (IPS)

The Renewable Energy Policy Network for the 21st Century (REN21), a global network that advances renewable energy through collaboration and knowledge sharing, has named Dr James Fletcher of Saint Lucia and Dr Ramón Méndez Galain of Uruguay as its first Renewable Energy Champions.

The accomplished former energy ministers were introduced as REN21 RE Champions on May 9, at the 17th Caribbean Renewable Energy Forum in Miami. They were recognised for their exemplary leadership in driving energy transition in their respective countries and region.

The RE Champions Initiative will connect experienced policymakers with peers globally to share knowledge, practical guidance, and successes and inspire much-needed action.

Fletcher, who led Saint Lucia’s Ministry of Sustainable Development and Energy, described joining the initiative as “one of the easiest decisions I ever had to make.”

He reiterated the urgency of energy reform in the Caribbean, where electricity costs often go as high as 35 to 40 U.S. cents per kilowatt-hour – a major barrier to competitiveness.

“If we can crack that, if we can get that transition to happen quickly, every single economic sector in our region becomes competitive on all of our islands,” he said.

“If we can crack that, if we can get this transition to happen quickly,” Fletcher told IPS, “every single economic sector in our region becomes competitive.”

Dr. Méndez Galain, a physicist who was the architect of Uruguay’s transformation to a grid powered by 98 percent renewables, spoke to IPS about that country’s journey. He emphasised the importance of political consensus in achieving lasting change and said he is happy to share his experience and expertise with peers.

“One of the first and most important things we succeeded in doing was to have a long-term agreement that was backed by the entire Uruguayan political system. This was crucial and allowed us to have continuity in the process,” Méndez Galain said. He added, “We proved that a power system can work only thanks to the complementarity of different resources. It was a technical issue, but it was not rocket science. At the end of the day, it was relatively simple to solve.”

Uruguay’s transition, he noted, slashed electricity production costs by half and created 50,000 jobs, about 3 percent of the country’s workforce. “We proved that energy transition can work, but it would not happen spontaneously. You have to really make changes in the policies, regulations, laws, and institutional framework in the markets. This is what we are trying to share with our current ministers and officials from our region,” he said.

Fletcher, the Caribbean Community’s Climate Change envoy, pointed to Uruguay’s success as proof that even grid systems reliant on intermittent sources like wind and solar can remain stable and efficient. “What Ramón has been able to show is that it can be done with intermittent renewables, because one of the things that keeps being hammered at us is that if you only have intermittent sources of electricity, you cannot do this. He’s shown in Uruguay that he can do it. That it can be done,” he said.

Both champions emphasised the power of South-South collaboration and the need to scale this model to other regions.

“Establishing these partnerships through an organisation like REN21—with its global reach—was a no-brainer,” Fletcher said. “At the end of the day, our goal is to ensure that we see a complete phase-out of fossil fuels.”

Méndez Galain expressed enthusiasm for collaborating with his Saint Lucian colleague and the REN21 network.

“Having the chance to work with people like Fletcher – it’s incredible to me because he is an inspiring guy,” he said. “REN21 is a powerful network that embraces and boosts everything that we can say with tremendous potential links to organisations that can help governments to do their jobs.”

REN21’s Senior Advisor, Laura Williamson, told the launch that the RE Champions Initiative bridges the gap between technology, policy, and leadership.

“It is built around champions who bring real-world experience, who have overcome challenges to achieve remarkable results in their own countries and can offer strategic partnerships to accelerate energy transition.”

“We have the technology; we have the resources. But what is really missing is the exchange of knowledge, the capability of partnerships, and the connections,” she said in a sit-down with IPS. “It’s really to demonstrate how connecting the decision-makers to the data, to the stories, to the experiences, can drive energy transition. Also to demonstrate that this is possible, so let’s do it.”

The initiative is fully funded by philanthropic contributions and champions volunteer their time and expertise. REN21 plans to expand the programme to include experts from Asia and Africa, strengthening cross-regional collaboration and unlocking shared solutions across the Global South.

The REN21 Champions say while a sustainable energy future is within reach, accelerating progress will require greater urgency—and connection and collaboration will serve as the catalysts to drive it forward.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Staff Union Demands Full & Active Participation in Ongoing Negotiations on UN Reforms

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 05:54

A demonstration within the confines of the UN Secretariat in New York.

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 12 2025 (IPS)

As discussions on the restructuring of the United Nations– including a possible merger of UN agencies and staff lay-offs system-wide — continue at the highest levels of the Secretariat—the Staff Union (UNSU) is demanding an active presence in the ongoing talks.

A proposed resolution, which is expected to be adopted at the UNSU general meeting on May 14, is very specific in its demands.

The Staff Council:

1. Calls upon the Secretary-General to formally include the United Nations Staff Union (UNSU) as a full participant in all aspects of the UN80 Initiative, including by having designated representatives of the Union in the UN80 Task Force, notably in its Working Group, with a view to ensure staff representation in the deliberation and decision-making processes.

2. Requests that the Staff Union be granted equal consultative status within the Task Force, including its Working Group, alongside other stakeholders, to provide input on matters directly impacting staff welfare, organizational efficiency and institutional reform.

3. Emphasizes that Staff Union involvement in change management process with such a global scale/impact is critical to provide insights into daily operations and identify potential inefficiencies and challenges for improving the effectiveness of the organization.

Noting further that, this would inherently foster ownership, reduce resistance and ensure smooth implementation that would promote a culture of continuous improvement, driving long term success.

4. Emphasizes the precedent of Staff Union involvement in pivotal institutional decisions during extraordinary circumstances, such as the pandemic, and requests this to be acknowledged as a guiding principle for ongoing and future consultations.

5. Recommends that the Secretariat report to the appropriate administrative and advisory bodies on measures taken to implement this resolution, ensuring compliance with existing staff-management consultation frameworks

UN staffers outside the Secretariat building.

Currently, over 6,400 staffers work in the 39-storeyed Secretariat building in New York, according to one report.

Guy Candusso, a former First Vice-President of the UN Staff Union, told IPS there is value to have staff engaged in the early stages of the reform process.

“I have seen that sometimes staff have come up with better ideas than management. However, over the years, staff consultations have been marginalized to be more like information briefings (after the real decisions were made),” he said.

Meanwhile, the Staff Council:

1. Emphasizes that, as a matter of principle, staff members should not be paid less for work performed at the same or higher level than they are currently performing or have previously performed;

2. Calls upon the Office of Human Resources (OHR) to withdraw the Guidelines and revised versions in light of their unjustified and arbitrary measures and the negative impact on staff that they entail;

3. Requests the immediate reinstatement of earlier guidelines and practices whereas heads of entity are given the discretion to award step-upon recruitment, in line with Staff Rule 3.3(b), in a manner commensurate with a candidate or Staff Member’s experience;

4. Urges OHR to consult with and integrate the perspectives of staff members, hiring managers, heads of entity, and Member States prior to issuing or reissuing any further related guidance;

5. Further urges OHR to immediately inform all Secretariat staff members in a clear and concise broadcast, as well as a town hall meeting, explaining the implications of the Guidelines, should they remain in place for any period following the adoption of this resolution, and to communicate expeditiously about further consultation and revision of the Guidelines;

6. Instructs the leadership to share this resolution with the Chef de Cabinet, the Under-Secretaries-General of the Department of Management Strategy, Policy and Compliance and the Department of Operational Support, as well as the Assistant Secretary-General of the Office of Human Resources and all heads of office/departments represented in the Staff Council; and

7. Further instructs the leadership to circulate this resolution via an email broadcast to all members of the United Nations Staff Union.

Asked for a response on an earlier story on Staff Union demands, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told IPS last week: “We fully understand that the current situation is a cause of concern, and anxiety, for many of our staff.”

“It is important to note that we are in the initial phase of formulating positions and proposals. Consultations have taken place, and they will continue to do so, as the insights of staff are valued and will be carefully considered.”

At the global town hall meeting in March 2025, the Secretary-General emphasized that the UN80 Initiative is a management-led effort. However, he of course committed to consulting with staff representatives through the Staff-Management Committee (SMC) on decisions impacting the staff.

In April, during the annual meeting of the SMC, management briefed the staff representatives on the UN80 Initiative. Also in April, a dedicated UN80 Initiative page was created on iSeek, inviting staff at large to submit ideas via a suggestion box. The responsive was impressive as over 1,400 suggestions have been received. Management will review all of the suggestions, said Dujarric.

A dedicated extraordinary SMC meeting will be held in June to further amplify consultation with staff representatives on the UN80 Initiative, he assured.

Meanwhile the UNSU has also conducted a general survey of its constituents between 11 March and 11 April 2025.

An Executive Summary of the results read:

– A total of 1,271 responses were received, which resulted in a response rate of 15.88 %1 . Overall, the survey has a confidence level of 95% with a margin of error of +/- 2.5%.

From a statistical perspective, those results are considered highly representative. It should also be noted that the majority of respondents (85%) were based in New York, with 33% in the General Service, 60% in the professional and 7% in other job categories.

– Only 31% of respondents believed that there were credible mechanisms to ensure accountability within their departments.

– Budget cuts (87%), organizational restructuring (56,8%) and changes in leadership/priorities (27.6%) were seen as the greatest risks to job security for the — respondents. Only 31.6% of respondents felt secure in their current position.

– Only 25% believed that the hiring process is transparent, or merit based (27%). 62% of respondents did not foresee any possibilities for career progression and 60% did not feel there is enough support for career development and support to staff to transition to new roles.

– Of note, 77% of respondents had primary hybrid working arrangements (mix of on-site and remote), with a majority (61.3%) working two days a week from home.

– The main benefits of telecommuting for the respondents are avoiding telecommuting time and/or costs (79.5%), better work-life balance (78.4%) and improved efficiency and productivity (69.3%).

A majority of respondents (60%) believed that the existing flexible open-plan/hot desking and shared workplace arrangements should not be maintained, and that cubicles or private offices are seen as the main optimal on-site workplace arrangement (42%).

On a positive note, 60% of respondents felt that occupational safety and health measures were adequately addressed in the workplace. However, only 34% of respondents felt that existing mechanisms are effective in addressing discrimination based on race in the workplace, with 28% having observed such incidents.

Furthermore, 45% of respondents believed that the workplace is accessible and inclusive for staff with disabilities.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Transitioning to a Circular Economy: The Future We Cannot Afford to Delay

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 05:36

Philippines ranks among the top contributors of marine litter in Asia. By transitioning to a circular economy, the country is fighting plastics pollution and climate crises. Photo Credit: Jilson Tiu / UNDP Philippines

The World Circular Economy Forum (WCEF2025) will take place at São Paulo, Brazil, from 13 to 14 May 2025. In addition, accelerator sessions will be held by WCEF collaborators on 15 and 16 May, online and around the globe.

By Marcos Neto
NEW YORK, May 12 2025 (IPS)

From environmental degradation to biodiversity loss and mounting waste, we are facing the dire consequences of a reckless economic model that extracts, consumes, and discards. But there is an urgent alternative—one that is not just possible, but essential.

The circular economy is more than an environmental fix; it’s a smarter, more resilient strategy for sustainable development. It has the power to revolutionize how we produce, consume, and thrive within the planet’s limits. This could be the most critical economic transformation of our era.

Today, our global economy remains overwhelmingly linear: we extract, consume, and discard. As a result, we generate more than 2 billion tonnes of waste annually, a figure projected to rise to 3.4 billion tonnes by 2050. Meanwhile, resource extraction has tripled since 1970, driving 90% of biodiversity loss, and 55% of all greenhouse gas emissions. It is responsible for 40% of particulate matter health related impacts, driving us to exceed safe planetary boundary limits beyond which current and future generations cannot continue to develop and thrive.

The current system is not only unsustainable but also unraveling the very foundation of development.

Circular economies grow by reducing resource use. They focus on reusing, regenerating, and minimizing waste in all sectors, like agriculture, energy, and consumer goods. This ensures a fair transition to a low-carbon, sustainable future. Switching to a circular model could bring $4.5 trillion in economic benefits by 2030, cut emissions, create stable jobs, and open new green markets.

To realize this future, five interconnected changes must be implemented immediately.

1. Policy leadership to shift the economic paradigm.

Other regulatory measures are instruments such as extended producer responsibility (EPR) and standards to ensure that products are durable, repairable, recyclable and safe. In Viet Nam, the Government has integrated circular economy principles into national policies, with the promulgation of a National Action Plan on Circular Economy, the promotion of eco-design as well as EPR mechanisms for electronics, plastics, textiles, and science and technologies for agriculture.

2. Data and metrics to guide decisions.

International Resource Panel

Global Environment Outlook

In the Dominican Republic, the Rescate Ozama (“Rescue the Ozama”) project conducted extensive research on plastic pollution in the Ozama River, collecting data on waste types, volumes, and local management practices to support informed decision-making and develop targeted interventions.

3. Incentives that reward circular innovation.

In Serbia, the ‘Circular Communities’ project, with the support of UNDP, awards grants to innovative ideas that contribute to the development of national and local circular economy strategic frameworks. More than 60 innovative initiatives were supported in the last 3 years, ranging from producing interior design materials from waste glass to involving informal waste pickers in the film industry’s waste management.

4. Infrastructure for circular ecosystems.

In many developing countries, the lack of infrastructure remains a major barrier, with over 2 billion people without access to basic waste collection. To address such challenges, India’s Plastic Waste Management initiative is developing a replicable model for cities that integrates innovation, social inclusion, and environmental leadership to reduce waste, enhance resource efficiency, and establish closed-loop recycling systems through Material Recovery Facilities.

5. A cultural shift toward regenerative consumption.

over 13,000 chemicals

These shifts are not abstract ideals: they are already taking root, often led by countries in the Global South demonstrating bold vision and practical solutions. In fact, Indigenous Peoples have implemented circular solutions for millennia, whereby nothing is discarded but instead embraced as raw material for the next cycle of growth and renewal, drawing on lessons from ‘nature’s economy’.

This month, the World Circular Economy Forum 2025 will gather forward-looking thinkers and doers and present the game-changers in the circular economy sphere in São Paulo, Brazil. Not only to reflect on progress and share best practices and experiences but to forge the partnerships that will carry this vision forward. We stand at a crossroads: a throwaway economy on one side, and a circular, inclusive, resilient future on the other. Let us choose wisely. The future is not linear—and neither is the path to a better world.

WCEF2025 is organized jointly by the Finnish Innovation Fund Sitra, FIESP (Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo), CNI (Brazilian National Industry Confederation) and SENAI-SP (Brazilian National Industrial Learning Service), in close collaboration with international partner organizations, including United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Free of charge, open to all online.

IPS UN Bureau

Excerpt:

Marcos Neto is UN Assistant Secretary General and Director of UNDP’s Bureau for Policy and Programme Support.

Categories: Africa

In Zimbabwe, Farmers Are Leading Scientific Research on Conservation Agriculture

Fri, 05/09/2025 - 16:10

Migren Matanga grew up shying away from small and traditional grains in Rushinga, in northern Zimbabwe. The 58-year-old mother of four from Toruzumba village relied on maize and cotton, one of the major cash crops in the area at the time. It was not until the late 2010s that the smallholder farmer realised the need […]

Categories: Africa

Rights with No Age Limit: Hopes for a Convention on the Rights of Older People

Fri, 05/09/2025 - 11:52

Cover photo by Defensoría del Pueblo de Bolivia

By Samuel King and Inés M. Pousadela
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, May 9 2025 (IPS)

The world’s population is ageing. Global life expectancy has leapt to 73.3 years, up from under 65 in 1995. Around the world, there are now 1.1 billion people aged 60-plus, expected to rise to 1.4 billion by 2030 and 2.1 billion by 2050.

This demographic shift is a triumph, reflecting public health successes, medical advances and better nutrition. But it brings human rights challenges.

Ageism casts older people as burdens, despite the enormous social contribution many older people make through family roles, community service and volunteering. Prejudice fuels widespread human rights violations, including age discrimination, economic exclusion, denial of services, inadequate social security, neglect and violence.

The impacts are particularly brutal for those facing discrimination for other reasons. Older women, LGBTQI+ elders, disabled seniors and older people from other excluded groups suffer compounded vulnerabilities. During conflicts and climate disasters, older people face disproportionate hardships but receive disproportionately little attention or protection.

These challenges aren’t limited to wealthy countries such as Japan, where more than one in 10 people are now aged 80 and over. Global south countries are experiencing population ageing too, and often at a much faster pace than occurred historically in the global north. Many people face the daunting prospect of becoming old in societies with limited infrastructure and social protection systems to support them.

Despite these escalating challenges, no global human rights treaty specifically protects older people. The current international framework is a patchwork that looks increasingly out of step as global demographics shift.

The first significant international breakthrough came in 2015, when the Organization of American States adopted the Inter-American Convention on Protecting the Human Rights of Older Persons. This landmark treaty explicitly recognises older people as rights-bearers and establishes protections against discrimination, neglect and exploitation. It demonstrates how legal frameworks can evolve to address challenges faced by ageing populations, although implementation remains uneven across signatory countries.

Globally, the World Health Organization’s Decade of Healthy Ageing (2021-2030) represents progress in promoting age-friendly environments and responsive healthcare systems. But it’s a voluntary framework without legally enforceable protections. Only a binding treaty can deliver human rights guarantees.

That’s why the UN Human Rights Council’s decision on 3 April to establish an intergovernmental working group to draft a convention on older persons’ rights offers real hope. In the current fractured geopolitical landscape, the resolution’s adoption by consensus is encouraging.

This positive step came as a result of over a decade of dogged advocacy through the Open-ended Working Group on Ageing, established by the UN General Assembly in 2010. Through 14 sessions, states, civil society and national human rights institutions built an overwhelming case for action, culminating in an August 2024 recommendation to develop a treaty. Strategic cross-border campaigning and coalition-building by civil society organisations such as AGE Platform Europe, Amnesty International and HelpAge International were instrumental in advancing the cause.

Now the crucial phase of transforming principles into binding legal protection begins. The Human Rights Council resolution sets out the path forward. The first meeting of the drafting working group is due before the year’s end. Once drafted, the text will advance through the UN system for consideration and adoption. If adopted, this convention will follow in the footsteps of those on the rights of children in 1989 and people with disabilities in 2006, which have significantly advanced protections for their target groups.

This convention offers a rare opportunity to redefine how societies value their older members. The journey from declaration to implementation will demand persistent civil society advocacy, first to ensure the text of the convention delivers meaningful, enforceable protections rather than mere aspirational statements, and then to prevent the dilution of protections through limited implementation. But the potential reward is profound: a world where advancing age enhances rather than diminishes human dignity and rights.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition and Inés M. Pousadela is Senior Research Specialist at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Categories: Africa

From Pledges to Action: EU Ocean Leadership on the Line

Fri, 05/09/2025 - 07:14

With the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) set to take place June 9-13 in Nice, and co-chaired by France and Costa Rica, Europe’s environmental leadership is under the spotlight. The EU has made ambitious pledges on ocean protection, but its progress on ratifying the landmark High Seas Treaty has been slow. So far, only a handful of member states have signed on, threatening to hinder progress on a landmark agreement for ocean protection.

By Pascal Lamy and Geneviève Pons
PARIS / BRUSSELS , May 9 2025 (IPS)

If one so wished, it would be entirely possible to spend a lifetime travelling from one international environmental conference to the next, without ever returning home. But the relentless pace of these meetings does not always translate into equally rapid action.

Instead, the result is often painfully slow progress, watered down commitments and timelines that can stretch into years if not decades. Public frustration is mounting, tired of broken promises. It wants action to tackle the climate and biodiversity crises before it is too late.

In this void of global environmental leadership, the European Union has an opportunity to step up on the stewardship of our planet’s greatest shared resource: the ocean.

Credit: Josh Sorenson

The ocean is Earth’s life support system. It covers over 70% of our planet, regulates the climate by absorbing carbon dioxide, produces at least half of the oxygen we breathe, sustains millions of livelihoods, provides food for billions, and holds mysteries we’ve only just begun to uncover.

Yet, despite its fundamental role in planetary health and human survival, the ocean remains under constant assault from climate change, pollution, overfishing, and habitat destruction.

Most alarmingly, vast areas of the ocean — especially the High Seas — remain dangerously under protected.

That is why it is both remarkable and welcome that, as EU Council President Antonio Costa highlighted, all 27 EU Heads of State and Government reached – for the very first time – ambitious conclusions on the ocean at the March 2025 European Council.

Among these was a commitment to swiftly ratify the new High Seas Treaty, a landmark international agreement finalized in 2023 after nearly two decades of negotiations.

This treaty, also known as the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Agreement, is a cornerstone of marine conservation and was hailed as a major victory for multilateralism. It holds enormous potential to protect marine life in High Seas — the two-thirds of the ocean that lie beyond national borders. But treaties do not protect ecosystems — countries do.

And unless 60 nations ratify the agreement so it can enter into force, its historic potential will remain nothing more than words on paper.

Here, the EU has a chance to lead by example — and by numbers. With its 27 member states, it holds the key to being a game-changer in accelerating the process of entry into force. The EU finalized its ratification in June 2024, but progress among individual member states has lagged.

As of now, only France and Spain have formally deposited their ratification instruments with the United Nations. Several others are close, but the overall momentum is insufficient. In a positive development aimed at facilitating ratification and preparing for implementation, the EU Commission has recently proposed a Directive for transposing the BBNJ Agreement into EU law.

Member states must urgently speed up their national processes to complete their ratification and send a strong signal of global leadership. This urgency and roadmap are outlined in detail in Europe Jacques Delors’ most recent policy brief, which highlights the key institutional, legal, and diplomatic levers available to the EU and its member states.

The stakes could not be higher. 40% of EU citizens live in coastal areas, which contribute around 40% of the EU’s GDP. The EU, together with its overseas territories, also has the largest Exclusive Economic Zone in the world. From economic stability to energy security and food supply, the ocean is inextricably tied to Europe’s prosperity. A degraded ocean means a less secure, less resilient, and less prosperous Europe.

True leadership means more than making bold declarations, it is about delivering results.

This June, the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) will take place on European soil — in Nice. The Conference has been designated as the key political moment to secure the 60 ratifications needed to trigger the Treaty’s entry into force.

Achieving this goal is essential not only to uphold the EU leadership and credibility on ocean governance, but also to meet broader international commitments — including the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s goal of protecting 30% of the ocean by 2030 (30×30).

The EU must intensify its ‘blue diplomacy’, leveraging initiatives like the High Ambition Coalition for the High Seas Treaty, which it helped establish, to drive global ratification and implementation efforts of its 52 members. This conference needs to prove that once again environmental multilateralism can still deliver when it matters most.

The EU has set an ambitious course on ocean governance. The imminent launch of the European Ocean Pact, which builds on the foundations laid by the Manifesto for a European Ocean Pact initiated by Europe Jacques Delors and Oceano Azul Foundation, and the recent EU Council conclusions on the Ocean, are strong signals of intent.

With the global order in flux and geopolitical alliances shifting rapidly, the EU must work together and embrace its role as both a stabilizing force and a champion of the ocean. Delivering on the High Seas Treaty — through swift ratification, diligent preparation for implementation, and the establishment of a robust governance framework — will be a defining moment for the EU. It is a test of its credibility, leadership, and vision for the future.

The world is watching. The ocean is waiting. And the clock is ticking.

Pascal Lamy is the Vice-President of Europe Jacques Delors and former Director-General of the WTO. Geneviève Pons is the Vice-President and Director General of Europe Jacques Delors and a leading advocate for ocean conservation.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Armed Gangs Expand Their Control in the Centre Department of Haiti

Thu, 05/08/2025 - 20:38

Wide shot of the site for displaced people hosted at Marie-Jeanne school in Port-au-Prince, where 7,000 people live in overcrowded and desperate conditions, seeking safety amidst the ongoing armed violence in Haiti. Credit: UNICEF/Patrice Noel

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Following a series of brutal altercations in the communes of Mirebalais and Saut d’Eau in Haiti back in late March, local gangs have taken over both communes, spurring heightened displacement and insecurity. This is indicative of the continuing deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Haiti as these armed gangs expand their control beyond Port-au-Prince.

On May 2, the White House issued a statement that declared the Viv Ansamn and Gran Grif gangs as terrorist organizations, attributing the core of Haiti’s issues to their activities. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also emphasized the threats that these coalitions pose to Haitian and American national security.

“Their [the gangs’] ultimate goal is creating a gang-controlled state where illicit trafficking and other criminal activities operate freely and terrorize Haitian citizens. Terrorist designations play a critical role in our fight against these vicious groups and are an effective way to curtail support for their terrorist activities. Engaging in transactions with members of these groups entails risk in relation to counterterrorism sanctions authorities, not only for Haitians but also for U.S. lawful permanent residents and U.S. citizens,” said Rubio.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a report on April 29 that detailed the current conditions in the capital and the Centre Department. An attack in early April resulted in the escape of over 515 inmates at a Mirebalais prison. UNICEF states that the clashes in this region have led to numerous civilian deaths, multiple lootings, and the destruction of a police station.

On April 25, an operation was carried out by law enforcement in Mirebalais in hopes of regaining control of the Centre Department. It is believed that during this operation, eight armed individuals were killed and three firearms were seized. However, this operation was largely unsuccessful in eliminating gang presence in this area. Furthermore, Haitian officials have noted an attempt by the Viv Ansamn gang to gain control of the Devarrieux area, which borders the commune of Lascahobas.

According to UNICEF, heightened gang activity in the Centre Department has complicated relief efforts by humanitarian organizations. Currently, authorities have prohibited humanitarian organizations from accessing sections of the road that connect Hinche to Mirebalais, Lascahobas, and Belladère. Due to relatively stable security conditions between Hinche and Cange-Boucan-Carré, humanitarian movement has been approved between these communes.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has recorded over one million civilian displacements since the eruption of hostilities in 2023. In the Centre Department, IOM estimates approximately 51,000 civilian displacements, including 27,000 children.

Additional figures from IOM indicate that the Dominican Republic has considerably increased its rate of deportation of Haitian migrants. In the Belladère and Ouanaminthe communes, which are located along the borders between the two nations, over 20,000 Haitian migrants in April. This marks the highest monthly total recorded this year.
Humanitarian organizations have expressed concern over these deportations due to the highly vulnerable nature of these migrants. IOM reports that the majority of these populations consist of women, children, and newborns, who are disproportionately affected by gang violence.

“The situation in Haiti is becoming increasingly dire. Each day, deportations and gang violence worsen an already fragile situation,” said IOM Director General Amy Pope.

These deportations have compromised relief efforts as over 12,500 Haitian refugees are scattered across 95 newly established displacement shelters, the majority of which are bereft of basic services, such as food access, clean water, and healthcare. Due to increased gang activity in Mirebalais, IOM states that Belladère has essentially been isolated from the rest of Haiti.

“This is a compounded crisis spreading beyond the capital, with cross-border expulsions and internal displacement converging in places like Belladère,” said Grégoire Goodstein, IOM’s Chief of Mission in Haiti. “Delivering assistance is becoming increasingly difficult as humanitarian actors find themselves trapped alongside the very people they are trying to help.”

Additionally, Haiti’s healthcare system has been overwhelmed by recent surges in hostility. According to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the healthcare system is particularly strained in Port-Au-Prince, where 42 percent of medical facilities remain closed. It is estimated that roughly 2 out of 5 Haitians urgently require access to medical care.

Sexual violence has also run rampant in Haiti. According to figures from the United Nations (UN), more than 333 women and girls have been subjected to gender-based violence from gang members, with 96 percent of these cases being rape. Furthermore, trafficking and forced recruitment remain common, especially in Port-Au-Prince.

Underfunding across multiple sectors has made it difficult for Haitian communities to access the tools they need to survive. Due to persisting structural barriers and societal taboos, many perpetrators of violence receive impunity. The amount of humanitarian aid is inadequate as relief teams are understaffed to handle the sheer scale of needs.

The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) states that the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti is less than 7 percent funded, with only USD 61 million having been raised out of the USD 908 million required. The UN and its partners urge donor contributions as the situation continues to deteriorate.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

The Taliban Took Everything – Even My Hope

Thu, 05/08/2025 - 17:19

Once a lifeline for women and families, the Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA)—one of the country’s oldest NGOs—has been forced to shut down its centers nationwide under Taliban orders. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Rukhsar (pseudonym), 27, is a widow and sole breadwinner for a family of five. She recounts her life story under Taliban rule, a reality faced by thousands of women in Afghanistan.

Every time I picked up a pen, I would write about turning failure into success, rising up after falling, and the highs that follow life’s lows. Each time I wrote, my mood, soul, and mind came alive, fueled by the words of my achievements.

With every victory achieved and each milestone reached, I redoubled my efforts. Like a mountaineer dreaming of reaching the summit, my hope of realizing my dreams grew with each passing day.

But this time, my dreams have crumbled, and I am left defeated.

I, too, once had a stable life, but the winds of fate blew it apart. Shattering my dreams.

Exactly seven years ago, I began a relationship with a kind and brave person, Yusuf, who was my source of security while I in turn took care of patients in a hospital. As nurses, our days were spent caring for the people of our country. We dedicated ourselves to our sacred duty with passion and enthusiasm.

It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan

In the midst of life’s joys, Yusuf and I were blessed with two children, Iman and Ayat. They made our life shine brighter.

However, just when everything appeared to flourish, we began to hear rumblings in the distance. The Taliban had begun a fight to take back Afghanistan. We heard about districts falling in neighboring provinces such as Balkh, and the deaths, and disappearances of our loved ones.

As the days passed by, the intensity of the war between the government and Taliban fighters increased. We were all in a state of panic, fearing that we could become victims of the conflict. The war was getting closer to the city with each passing moment.

One day Yusuf urged me not to go to work. He went instead. He kissed our children goodbye, tears in his eyes. Thas was the last time we saw him alive.

After he left, I kept calling him at short intervals to ask if everything was fine with him, and each time he called back without delay. However, my call to him in the afternoon went unanswered; neither did he return the call. That triggered off restlessness in my mind. It soon took hold of me entirely and was no longer controllable.

At the peak of my desperation, and exhaustion, Yusuf’s father told me he had received a call from an unfamiliar number. Yusuf was no longer with us, he announced. He was brutally killed by a tyrannical, ruthless, bloodthirsty, and oppressive group.

The date is forever edged in my memory. It was June 16, 2021.

The grief of losing Yusuf brought sleepless nights, memories that haunted me every moment, and a deep loneliness that nothing could fill. I was entrapped in emotional and mental struggles from which I could not escape.

Days and months went by, and problems kept piling up one after the other with no respite. There was no psychological support, I was caught midst of increasing financial struggles, and I constantly worried about how to provide for our children, which were now entirely under my care. I had to find a way out.

I returned to my former work place at the hospital in Mazar-i-Sharif, but someone new took up my place. I returned home empty-handed. All around me was despair and fear.

All the while, I was under increasing pressure from my family to consider a second marriage. No one could really understand the pain I was enduring. My husband Yusuf was gone but his love was still alive. It was the only thing besides the children, which gave me hope. I started looking for work and eventually got one as a midwife at Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA), one of the oldest NGOs in Afghanistan.

It was in 2023. I had an eight-hour job and was now earning monthly salary of over 9,500 Afghanis, which enabled me to support my children and financially support my late husband’s parents as well. I was excited and nervous about the new phase in my life.

We provided services to the most vulnerable clients who were suffering from impact of earthquakes, floods, and drought.

Nevertheless, every day I heard news about how the Taliban regime was planning to shut down various organizations that support women and families, as well as banning women from schools and universities. At my workplace, we could foresee that thousands of families would soon be left without help.

A flood of bad news kept inundating us each day about measures that adversely affected women’s situation. It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan.

However, my colleagues and I took comfort in the fact, that since we were working in the medical field as essential members of society, we assumed we were indispensable.

We still maintained high hopes that our work in the medical field would continue, even though officials from the brutal and oppressive unit, the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, continuously monitored us. For one hour every Thursday, these officers would give us religious lessons as if we were not Muslim.

We were working mainly with women patients, yet we were made to cover our faces with masks and to maintain our hijabs. We were prohibited from speaking loudly, and from engaging in any conversation with the male companions of the patients. The restrictions kept increasing, but I had to stay strong for my family.

Despite all the bullying and oppression, we continued to work because serving our patients brought us peace of mind, not to mention the deep satisfaction and relief of being able to provide financial support to our families.

On the morning of December 3, 2024, I heard the news about the closure of medical institutions. It was incredibly painful, like a dagger thrust into my heart. I spent the entire day in tears and sorrow. In the small shelter where I worked, we were all crushed by grief.

That day passed by and we did not know how we had managed to get through it. We concluded to each other at the end of the day that, “We might be the last generation of medical professionals.”

On January 3rd, at 9:08 AM, I received a call from a colleague at the Kabul central office. She informed me that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the misogynist Taliban leader, had issued a decree to close down healthcentres funded by foreign donors. They were, according to him, aimed at curtailing the increase of the Muslim population.

My blood ran cold. My colleagues and I nevertheless entertained the hope that the decree would be reversed. It did not happen.

Just a week later, we were notified by email that AFGA had to close due to Taliban’s new restrictions.

At that moment, as I read the email, it felt like the ground had been cut from under my feet. My mind became consumed by thoughts of Ayat and Iman, wondering what to do next and which door to knock on.

I was not alone. Similar thoughts must have been coursing through the minds of 270 Afghan women working in 23 provinces. I also lost every shred of hope for the future. I had no idea what I could do next.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

Categories: Africa

India-Pakistan: On the Brink—But Is There a Way Back?

Thu, 05/08/2025 - 08:41

This village is half in India and half in Pakistan. In Pakistan it is called Chilhana; on the Indian side, it's called Teetwal. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Just after the young couple arrived at Al-Sayyed Shabistan, a quaint guesthouse in Taobat, on April 30, soldiers showed up, urging them to leave—war, they warned, could break out any moment.

Yahya Shah, guest-house owner and head of Taobat’s hotel association, told IPS over the phone, “Tourist season just began, but for two weeks the village feels like a ghost town—everyone’s hit: shopkeepers, eateries, drivers.”

Just 2 km from the tense Line of Control (not a legally recognized international border, but a de facto border under control of the military on both sides between the Indian- and Pakistani-controlled parts of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir), Taobat sits where India’s Kishenganga river crosses into Pakistan—reborn as the Neelum.

Tensions spiked after a deadly April 22 attack in the Indian-administered Pahalgam by The Resistance Front, killing 26 people—25 Indians and one Nepali.

India blamed Pakistan for backing TRF, calling it a Lashkar-e-Taiba front. Pakistan denied involvement, urging an independent probe. Meanwhile, pressure mounted on the Indian prime minister, Narendra Modi, to respond forcefully, as the attackers remained at large two weeks later.

The question on everyone’s mind — including Michael Kugelman, a Washington, DC-based South Asia analyst — is, “How could such a horrific attack have been carried out on soft targets in one of the most heavily militarized regions in the world?”

Taobat is the last village of Neelum Valley and the place where the Kishenganga River enters Pakistani territory and is called the Neelum river. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

When India crossed the line

On May 7, early morning, the intensity of the animosity between the two since the Pahalgam attack took on a serious turn when India launched a full-fledged series of attacks on Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

India claimed it targeted “terrorist camps” in Pakistan, stating, “No Pakistani military facilities have been targeted.”

Pakistan’s armed forces have been authorized to take “corresponding actions” following the strikes, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s office said following the attack.

The Indian attack killed 26 civilians, injuring 46. In addition, the Pakistani army reported downing five Indian jets. In retaliatory attacks by Pakistani forces, at least 10 people have been killed in Indian-administered Kashmir.

Reuters, quoting the local government on the Indian side, admitted that three fighter jets crashed in Jammu and Kashmir hours after India announced it had struck “nine Pakistani terrorist infrastructure sites across the border.”

The international community has called for restraint, with the United States urging the two sides to “keep lines of communication open and avoid escalation” the United Kingdom offering “in dialogue, in de-escalation and anything we can do to support that, we are here and willing to do…” United Nations’ Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said the international community could not “afford a military confrontation” between the nuclear-armed nations.

Tensions between India and Pakistan ripple across South Asia.

“A tense situation between Pakistan and India is always a cause for worry for others in the region,” said Reaz Ahmad, Dhaka Tribune’s editor, with over 30 years of writing about South Asian politics. Bangladeshis only “want both nations to stop the blame game and tit-for-tat actions that only worsen life for ordinary people.” These unfortunate events, said Ahmed, referring to the war-like situation, show the “people deserve far better from their leaders.”

Daily life in Taobat Bala, about 1.5 km from Taobat. The area isn’t populated; people may work in the area but live in Taobat. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

Closed gates, broken pacts

Following the Pahalgam attack, India and Pakistan shut borders, halted visas, expelled visitors, and downgraded missions—familiar moves in past standoffs. But this time, India suspended the 1960 water treaty, prompting Pakistan to threaten withdrawal from the 1972 Simla Agreement.

Dr. Moonis Ahmar, former chairman of the department of international relations at Karachi University, blamed leaders of both countries for “misguiding their people” and polarizing them by spewing so much vitriol. “What was the point of bringing in the unnecessary “jugular vein” conversation out of the blue?

The ‘jugular vein’ debate

Recently, Pakistan’s army chief of staff, General Asim Munir’s characterization of Kashmir as Pakistan’s jugular vein at a diaspora event held just days before the Pahalgam tragedy, was considered provocative and a “trigger” for the massacre.

“But that is what it is, and the general only reiterated the stand taken by the Quaid,” defended Khawaja Muhammad Asif, the country’s defense minister, referring to the country’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

Defining the jugular vein, Asif said Kashmir stirred both deep emotions and economic concerns. Recalling the lesser-known massacre of the partition, he said, “Thousands of Muslims were massacred in the Jammu region by mobs and paramilitaries led by the army of Dogra ruler Hari Singh,” adding that Muslim villagers from Jammu province were forced to evacuate to West Pakistan and were then accommodated in refugee camps in the districts of Sialkot, Jhelum, Gujrat, and Rawalpindi.

Asif, a native of Sialkot, emphasized that the economic significance of Kashmir cannot be overstated. “Kashmir is our lifeline—all our rivers, including the Jhelum, Sutlej, and even the smaller tributaries flowing through my own hometown, originate there,” he said, acknowledging that India’s recent announcement to withdraw from the pact posed a “real threat.”

Village life in Taobat Bala before the escalation of violence. Credit: Zofeen Ebrahim/IPS

What is the root of conflict?

Over the years many historians from both sides have unraveled the historical, political, and emotional fault lines dividing India and Pakistan since 1947. But Kashmir remains the stumbling block, 78 years later.

“At the time of British India’s partition in August 1947, the 565 princely states were given the option to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent—provided their people had the right to decide.” Jammu and Kashmir, a Muslim-majority state ruled by a Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh, initially chose to remain independent.

After tribal militias from Pakistan invaded parts of Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947—reportedly with covert support from Pakistani forces and encouragement from some local Muslims—the situation quickly descended into chaos and violence. Facing the threat, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession, ceding the state’s sovereignty to India in exchange for military assistance.

The Indian government, led by then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, agreed to extend help but asked Hari Singh to sign an Instrument of Accession first. The Raja agreed. The documents conferred a special status on Jammu and Kashmir and allowed it to have its constitution, a flag, and control over internal administration, except in matters of defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications, and were subsequently enshrined under Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution.

“These rules were not just legal provisions; they were a vital protection that ensured that no non-resident could purchase immovable property in the region, and this was done to safeguard the distinct identity, local ownership, and indigenous rights of the Kashmiri people,” explained Naila Altaf Kayani, an expert in Kashmir affairs, speaking to IPS from Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

But even before 2019, especially between 1952 and 1986, and through 47 presidential orders, the historical guarantees under the Maharaja’s Instrument of Accession had slowly been diluted and J&K’s special status steadily diminished. “India effectively dismantled the State Subject Rules that had long been in place in Jammu and Kashmir,” said Kayani.

In 2019, India finally scrapped these articles completely, and J&K became a union territory (governed directly by the central government, unlike states, which have their own elected governments with significant autonomy).

Can India and Pakistan ever make peace?

Both Asif and Ahmar doubt the Kashmir dispute will be resolved in their lifetime. And till that doesn’t happen, the thorn in their side will keep pricking. But what the latter finds befuddling is the “unstable and unpredictable” Pakistan-India relationship. “The two countries swing between total silence and sudden warmth, with no steady, consistent engagement like most nations maintain,” he said.

Ironically, it’s during the lowest points in their relationship that both Indian and Pakistani leaders stand to gain the most politically, said Kugelman. “Delhi can bolster its tough-on-terror stand and reputation as a strong and defiant administration by responding with muscle, and in Pakistan, the civilian and military leaderships, which are not terribly popular, can shore up public support by rallying the country around it in the face of an Indian threat.”

Forgotten formula or a new peace plan?

Ahmar said this is the lowest point in India-Pakistan relations he has ever witnessed.

However, “if by some miracle General Pervez Musharraf’s out-of-the-box four-point formula gets a shot in the arm,” perhaps we can begin anew, on a friendlier note,” he said, referring to the July 2001 Agra summit, hosted by Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee.

The four fixes included a gradual demilitarization of troops from both sides; no change in borders but allowing the people of Jammu and Kashmir to move freely across the LoC; self-governance without independence; and a joint supervision mechanism in the region involving India, Pakistan, and Kashmir.

But until that happens, Ahmar said, it would be best to let the territory be put under international supervision until its fate is decided. “I would say, place the region under the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations for at least 10 years,” he said.

Comprising the five permanent UN Security Council members—China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US—the Trusteeship Council aims to guide territories toward self-government or independence, either as separate states or by joining neighboring countries. The last trust territory, Palau, gained independence in October 1994. “The Trusteeship Council may have completed its mission in Palau but continues to exist on paper, under the UN Charter, chapter XII,” added Ahmar.

Columnist Munazza Siddiqui, also executive producer at Geo News, a private TV channel, advocated for yet another option: “Turn the LoC into a Working Boundary (a temporary, informally demarcated line used to separate areas, often in disputed regions or during a ceasefire, but different from the LoC, which is a military control line; something in-between the LoC and an international border), similar to the one that exists between Pakistan’s Punjab and Indian-administered J&K, as recognized under UN arrangements.

“The idea is to then shift focus towards bilateral cooperation in other areas,” she pointed out, adding, “This approach can hopefully help de-escalate the violence historically associated with the Kashmir issue.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

UN Needs to Protect its Vital, Yet Underfunded, Human Rights Work

Thu, 05/08/2025 - 06:23

Karla Quintana (centre), head of the Independent Institution on Missing Persons in Syria, visits Al Marjeh Square in Damascus, a place where families of missing persons display photos in the hope of finding their loved ones. Credit: IIMP Syria

By Louis Charbonneau
May 8 2025 (IPS)

Major-power cutbacks and delayed payments amidst conflict and insecurity are testing the very principles and frameworks upon which the international human rights infrastructure was built nearly 80 years ago.

Human rights need defending now more than ever, which is why the United Nations leadership needs to ensure that its efforts to cut costs don’t jeopardize the UN’s critical human rights work.

The Trump administration’s review of US engagement with multilateral organizations and its refusal to pay assessed UN contributions—which account for 22 percent of the UN’s regular budget—have pushed the cash-strapped international organization into a full-blown financial crisis.

China, the second biggest contributor, continues to pay but has been delaying payments, exacerbating the UN’s years-long liquidity crisis. With widespread layoffs looming, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has been forced to dig deep for cost-saving measures.

A six-page memo seen by Human Rights Watch—entitled “UN80 structural changes and programmatic realignment” and marked as “Strictly Confidential”—outlines proposals for eliminating redundancies and unnecessary costs across the UN.

The proposals include consolidating apparently overlapping mandates, reducing the UN’s presence in expensive locations like New York City, and cutting some senior posts.

While some UN80 proposals have merit, the section on human rights is worrying. It suggests downgrading and cutting several senior human rights posts and merging different activities. But at a time when rights crises are multiplying and populist leaders hostile to rights are proliferating, any reduction of the UN’s human rights capacities would be shortsighted.

Efficiency and cost-effectiveness are important, but the UN’s human rights work has long been grossly underfunded and understaffed. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights gets just 5 percent of the UN’s regular budget.

Countless lives depend on its investigations and monitoring, which help deter abuses in often ignored or inaccessible locales. Investigations of war crimes and other atrocities in places like Sudan, Ukraine, Israel/Palestine, and elsewhere are already struggling amidst a UN-wide hiring freeze and pre-Trump liquidity shortfall.

For years, Russia and China have lobbied to defund the UN’s human rights work. There is now a risk that the United States, which has gutted its own funding for human rights worldwide, will no longer oppose these efforts and will instead enable them.

During these trying times, the UN should be reminding the world that its decades-long commitment to human rights is unwavering.

IPS UN Bureau

Excerpt:

Louis Charbonneau is UN director, Human Rights Watch

Categories: Africa

Underfunding Threatens Sahrawi Refugees in Algeria

Wed, 05/07/2025 - 21:19

Sahrawi refugees walk near the Awserd Refugee Camp in the Tindouf Province of Algeria. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 7 2025 (IPS)

Since the Western Sahara War in 1975, Sahrawi refugees have resided in a collection of refugee shelters in the Tindouf province of Algeria. For over 50 years, these communities have struggled to develop self-sufficiency and have been solely dependent on humanitarian aid for survival, marking one of the most protracted refugee crises in the world.

According to figures from the United Nations Regional Information Center in Western Europe (UNRIC), roughly 173,600 individuals reside across five camps in Tindouf, Algeria. These populations consist of the original Sahrawi refugees who fled persecution from Moroccan forces, and their descendants. These communities are unable to return to the Western Sahara due to Morocco’s control over a vast majority of the disputed territory.

On May 6, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) issued a response plan that detailed the current humanitarian situation impacting the Sahrawi refugees in Algeria. Despite having been one of the longest standing refugee crises, the United Nations (UN) had never issued a consolidated plan until 2024.

Due to factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the global reduction of foreign aid, and the war in Ukraine, the humanitarian situation in the Tindouf refugee shelters has deteriorated significantly in the past few years. Sahrawi refugees currently struggle to survive with a host of underfunded, basic services such as food access, education, and healthcare.

According to UNHCR, food insecurity has been a long-standing pinnacle of this humanitarian crisis since its inception. Despite the Algerian government’s attempts to consolidate the 30 percent reduction in food rations due to cuts in humanitarian aid, it is estimated that approximately 90 percent of households are unable to access adequate amounts of food. Roughly 30 percent of the Sahrawi refugee population is food insecure and an additional 58 percent is at risk of becoming food insecure.

The World Food Programme (WFP) states that the Tindouf camps are unable to develop self-sufficiency in food production due to the harsh and isolated deserts of westernmost Algeria, as well as intense heatwaves and water scarcity, which are results of the worsening climate crisis. Anemia is estimated to affect over 50 percent of young children and women of reproductive age.

Additionally, global acute malnutrition affects roughly 11 percent of all children aged 6 to 59 months. Poor diets and a lack of nutritional assistance has led to a host of health problems for these communities, including mineral and vitamin deficiencies, as well as increased rates of obesity in women.

Figures from the United Nations Sustainable Development Group (UNDSG) show that one in three children in the Tindouf camps experience stunted growth and only one in three children receive the nutritional assistance that they need to have healthy development. Additionally, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the scale of needs in the food security sector has compounded significantly, nearly doubling from the 19.8 million dollars required in pre-pandemic times.

Despite the growing scale of needs for food assistance, UNHCR reports that 100 percent of school-aged children are enrolled in feeding programs. The education sector is currently a major priority for humanitarian organizations. According to a press release from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), only half of the students recorded at the end of the 2022 school year met the locally-established minimum threshold for learning, indicating that a significant amount of students in the Tindouf camps were not able to effectively retain information.

This can likely be attributed to the host of other issues plaguing Sahrawi communities. According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Migrants, due to limited educational and economic opportunities in the Tindouf camps, the new generation of refugees faces increased levels of disillusionment and anxiety, which could lead to increased insecurity and regional tensions in the future.

UNHCR reports that due to severe flooding in September 2024 in Dakhla, Western Sahara, a significant amount of essential healthcare and education infrastructures in Algerian refugee camps have been damaged. Sahrawi refugees are able to access 31 dispensaries and 6 hospitals. Although 100 percent of Sahrawi refugees have free access to primary healthcare services, the healthcare system in the Tindouf camps remains fragile and is critically dependent on humanitarian aid to remain functional.

Perhaps the biggest issues plaguing the Sahrawi healthcare system at the moment are a lack of monetary motivation for healthcare personnel, a significant shortage of medicines and materials, and a host of logistical issues. UNHCR is currently on the frontlines of this crisis distributing essential supplies and assisting doctors and nurses in the most affected areas.

Additionally, Sahrawi refugees have found it difficult to campaign for increased governmental support from the Western Sahara due to repressive tactics from Moroccan forces. According to a press release from Amnesty International, in January 2024, the police violently intercepted a peaceful protest by female Sahrawi activists in Laayoune, subjecting protestors to assaults and beatings.

In February, the police shut down a press conference that was conducted by Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders Collective (CODESA) in Laayoune. In April, Moroccan authorities bulldozed the homes of 12 Sahrawi families in Al-Jitir without providing any prior notice or means of relocation.

Despite the Sahrawi refugee population having shown immense resilience amid five decades of protracted crisis, programs that provide lifesaving aid for these communities have been severely underfunded. UNHCR’s Sahrawi Refugees Response Plan 2024-2025 estimates that roughly USD 214 million will be required to address needs in 2025. The UN is strongly urging donor contributions to meet this quota.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

‘Trump Is Advancing a 21st-century US Variant of Fascism, Backed by a White Nationalist Ideology’

Wed, 05/07/2025 - 20:53

By CIVICUS
May 7 2025 (IPS)

CIVICUS speaks about democratic decline in the USA with humanitarian and civil society activist Samuel Worthington, former president of the US civil society alliance InterAction and author of a new book, Prisoners of Hope: Global Action and the Evolving Roles of US NGOs.

The USA has been added to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to rising concerns about civic freedoms under Donald Trump’s second administration. Since January 2025, executive orders have driven sweeping personnel changes across federal agencies, particularly in the Justice Department. USAID has undergone dramatic restructuring, with funding cuts severely impacting on civil society organisations (CSOs) that support excluded groups across the world. Protests – particularly those addressing immigration and Israel’s war on Gaza – face heightened scrutiny and restrictions. Against this backdrop, civil society is mobilising to preserve democratic principles and civic engagement.

Samuel Worthington

How would you characterise the current state of US democracy?

The USA is experiencing what can only be described as a technocratic coup, rooted in far-right authoritarian ideology. The Trump administration is using every tool at its disposal, even if that means ignoring and breaking laws. The goal is speed: to use technology, claims of waste and abuse, combined with actions that dismantle institutions and attack individuals and organisations.

The Trump administration has adopted a typical authoritarian playbook, similar to that used by leaders such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, but at a much greater scale and speed that has taken many by surprise. A prime example is the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which uses computer systems to cripple organisations, create lists of ‘illegal’ individuals for targeting and dismantle protections for civic freedoms. Trump is attempting to centralise power in a 21st-century US variant of fascism, backed by a white nationalist ideology and largely based on Project 2025.

Civil society and institutions were not prepared for this level of attack. Many assumed democracy was more resilient and norms would hold. Instead, we are now witnessing core democratic institutions under assault. For the first time, we are seeing explicit federal government-driven censorship, with official lists of banned words. The administration is systematically attacking diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and withholding funds to punish noncompliant universities and institutions.

Trump is weaponising public money as leverage – even blackmail – to force organisations and US states to comply with his ideology. While pushback from the courts is increasing, this resistance has led to Trump’s attacks on the judiciary. The administration is also limiting media access to outlets that don’t align with its ideology.

As with all forms of fascism, there must be a scapegoat, and here, it’s migrants and transgender people. The Trump administration labels migrants as ‘illegals’ and mass deportations target anyone who doesn’t fit its narrow definition of who is an American. Changes to the constitution are being proposed to strip citizenship rights from US-born children of undocumented parents. Random arrests, disappearances and militarised threats against migrants are becoming increasingly common.

All of this has transpired in just the first hundred days. Democracy’s core institutions — civil society, media, Congress, the judiciary — and the rule of law itself are under enormous stress. The USA is in the midst of a profound constitutional crisis.

How has USAID’s restructuring impacted on civil society?

USAID served as the administration’s test case for destroying a government agency. DOGE destroyed USAID by disabling its computer systems, stopping funding and cancelling contracts. Under the constitution, only Congress has the authority to control appropriations or close government agencies. Even when courts ruled against the administration and ordered programmes to restart, the damage was irreversible: USAID’s systems had already been dismantled by DOGE and could not be easily rebuilt.

Many CSOs that relied heavily on USAID funding lost between 30 and 80 per cent of their resources, leading to mass layoffs, office closures and collapsed partnerships. Fortunately, the USA has a strong tradition of private philanthropy amounting to around US$450 billion a year, with over US$20 billion directed internationally. This private funding is helping some organisations survive. Many are now reorganising around private donors and preparing for the possibility that foundations themselves could become targets of future attacks.

Some CSOs are considering transforming into businesses to protect themselves. Others are fighting back through lawsuits. Some are trying to stay quiet in the hope of being overlooked — not a healthy strategy, but an understandable one. For most, simply trying to survive has become the primary focus.

What global implications are resulting from these domestic developments?

Global civil society has long been critical of the USA, but there was still an assumption that it remained committed to the values of democracy, freedom and global cooperation. This assumption has now been shattered.

The US government is no longer promoting democracy abroad. Instead, it is openly supporting authoritarian regimes and undermining civil society efforts worldwide. Both domestically and internationally, it is actively restricting independent civic action.

The dismantling of USAID alone will cost millions of lives. The USA once provided around half of global humanitarian resources. With this pullback, we’re already witnessing mass deaths and growing risks of famine. Essential supplies of medicines, including HIV/AIDS treatments, are being cut, putting millions more lives at risk.

As the USA disengages and retreats from its global leadership role, it leaves a vacuum, likely to be filled by authoritarian powers such as China and Russia. They will try to reshape the global system in ways that threaten human rights and democratic values.

Finally, the administration’s rhetoric about annexing Canada and seizing Greenland is eroding the post-Second World War rules-based international order, which was established specifically to prevent territorial expansion. By undermining these norms, the USA is effectively encouraging other authoritarian-leaning states to expand through force.

How are people responding to these challenges?

As Trump’s authoritarianism intensifies, people are mobilising to defend democracy and resist repression. Three major protest movements have emerged: the broad-based ‘Hands Off’ movement against fascism and in defence of democracy, student protests focused on Gaza and Palestine and the growing resistance to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) deportations.

Protesting against ICE or in solidarity with Gaza has become increasingly dangerous. Citizens may face serious criminal charges simply for joining protests, and non-citizens risk prison and deportation. The case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia illustrates this reality: after living in Maryland for 13 years and with legal protection, he was forcibly deported to El Salvador.

Despite these risks, as ICE steps up deportations, activists are taking steps to protect vulnerable people. In some cases, they form human chains to block ICE officers and help people reach their homes, where immigration agents cannot enter without legal permission.

People are fighting back both in the streets and in the courts, challenging these injustices, pushing back against escalating repression and defending fundamental rights.

Do you see any hope for US democracy?

I believe that ultimately, Trump’s attempt to break the US government and dismantle constitutional democracy will fail, for several reasons.

First, we are a country of independent states, and states like California, Illinois and Massachusetts are actively resisting, fighting in courts and passing their own laws to protect their residents. This resistance comes at a cost. The Trump administration has already threatened to cut all federal funding to Maine after its governor refused to follow the administration’s anti-diversity directives. So far, the courts have sided with Maine.

Trump has repeatedly bypassed Congress and violated the separation of powers. In response, CSOs, US states, unions, universities and citizens have already filed over 150 lawsuits against the federal government alleging breaches of the constitution. These lawsuits are steadily moving through the courts and so far, the rulings have overwhelmingly gone against the administration.

At the grassroots level, daily protests continue and constantly evolve. Instead of trying to bring millions to Washington DC, the strategy has shifted toward organising thousands of decentralised protests across the country. After national parks were shut down, for example, there were 433 protests across every single national park on the same day. Movements like ‘Hands Off’ have mobilised millions.

We are learning from struggles in Hungary, Turkey, Ukraine and elsewhere. We now know that democracy cannot be taken for granted; it must be defended every day. But we also know that our strength lies in solidarity. People are forming networks of resistance across the country. We have realised that if we stand alone, we may fail, but together, we can preserve our democracy.

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Categories: Africa

Speaking Out for SRHR: Why Lived Experiences Must Shape Policy and Practice

Wed, 05/07/2025 - 20:08

The Commission on Population and Development (2024)

By Mary Kuira
NAIROBI, May 7 2025 (IPS)

Just a month ago, I found myself in a hospital, anxiously waiting for my son to be attended to. As we sat quietly in one of the waiting rooms, an emergency case was wheeled in — a young woman, barely out of her teens. Her face contorted in visible pain. Her dress was soaked with blood, which had begun to pool beneath the wheelchair and trickle onto the floor.

I couldn’t help but overhear the nurse asking the girl who had accompanied her, “What happened?” “She just started her periods,” the friend whispered, her voice laced with fear and confusion.

But from my own experience, I knew periods don’t arrive like this. The heavy bleeding, the extreme pain, the sheer urgency: something was terribly wrong. In a country where abortion is criminalized and conversations on reproductive health are often shrouded in silence, there are things you don’t say out loud, not even in a hospital.

Presentations were dominated by government departments and bureaucrats. I couldn’t help but wonder — where were the voices of the people these policies are meant to serve? Where was the civil society that brought these stories from their grassroots partners?
Later, I learned the young woman had been referred to a higher-level facility because the hospital couldn’t handle her case. I left that day with a prayer on my lips, hoping she lived to tell her story.

So why am I sharing this? Because last week, I sat in another room, far away from that hospital, attending the 58th Session of the Commission on Population and Development (CPD58) at the United Nations.

This was my first time attending the annual conference. The conversations were a sobering reminder of how precarious sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) remain, especially for young women like the one I saw that day.

Despite the gravity of the global challenges, CPD58 felt like a more formal than interactive space. At many of the side events I attended, audiences sat silent, rarely given the chance to ask questions.

Breaking the silence

One of the few spaces that broke this silence was a gathering organized by the International Sexual and Reproductive Rights Coalition (ISRRC), a coalition of organizations from all regions of the world dedicated to advancing SRHR. It offered a rare moment of authentic exchange, where the few CSO voices present could reflect on the battles we face both at home and on the global stage.

But overall, the opposition to SRHR remained stubborn and vocal. I listened as some delegations pushed back against terms that should be non-negotiable: Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE), safe abortion, gender equality.

These are not just words; they are lifelines for young women, especially those navigating complex realities in countries like mine, Kenya.

Ironically, many CPD58 conversations just wanted to focus on maternal health, not on teenage pregnancies or young mothers. Basically, addressing maternal health without discussing the process that leads to pregnancy (sex and sexuality) and therefore CSE.

I couldn’t help but think: How do we talk about preventing HIV without talking about sex? How do we address teenage pregnancy without speaking openly about reproductive health? How can we ignore child marriages when they remain a heartbreaking reality across many countries? And what do we say to survivors of rape — young or old — who become pregnant? Should they be forced to carry these pregnancies, regardless of the trauma or the risks?

As an advocate and a believer in the power of quality data to inform decisions, these questions weigh heavily on me. Are the policies we design grounded in real, lived experiences? Do we collect and use data to reflect the brutal realities so many young women face daily?

Combating anti-rights narratives

One clear takeaway from CPD58 was this: facts and stories must go hand in hand. Data alone can inform, but stories can transform. Both are essential to combating anti-rights narratives and creating spaces for conversations.

Another key take away is the critical need for civil society to maintain both its presence and momentum in these spaces. The CPD remains one of the least attended UN meetings, and its negotiation process is opaque.

The anti-rights movement’s growing clout risks reversing many SRHR gains by easily passing resolutions without push back. If civil society isn’t present and organized, no one will be the wiser. It is essential to occupy and safeguard this space.

We must train youth activists to counter opposition and challenge anti-gender, anti-abortion, and anti-CSE rhetoric not just with facts, but with human stories.

Tell the stories that humanize the data; stories like the one I witnessed in that hospital room. Digital spaces hold tremendous potential to advance SRHR, especially for marginalized communities.

Yet, with opportunity comes risk. The same platforms that can empower young women are breeding grounds for misinformation. Our efforts must include both creating digital solutions and equipping young women to navigate these spaces safely and wisely.

I was encouraged to see progressive voices from the European Union, Latin America, and parts of Africa and Asia stand firm in defending SRHR within the final negotiated text. But the fight doesn’t end there.

From Nigeria to Mozambique, from Jordan to Guatemala — and every corner in between — we must ensure young women in all their diversities are not left behind. Their voices, rights, and choices must be respected.

Finally, we must keep the pressure on at home. Advocacy for policies that protect and expand comprehensive sexuality education, safe abortion (where permitted), and youth-friendly SRH services must not stop at international commitments. We must hold our governments accountable and ensure those commitments translate into action.

The young woman in that hospital room deserved better. So do countless others like her.

And the only way forward is by standing up, speaking out, and refusing to let silence win.

Mary Kuira is Global DMEL Coordinator at Hivos East Africa

Categories: Africa

World Press Freedom Day 2025 Call to Protect Elections from AI ‘Information Pollution’

Wed, 05/07/2025 - 09:16

Without proper governance and input from multiple stakeholders artificial intelligence poses risks to freedom of expression and elections. Credit: Unsplash/Element5 Digital

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, May 7 2025 (IPS)

The prevalence of artificial intelligence (AI) is changing the flow and access of information, which has a wider influence on how freedom of expression is affected. National and local elections can demonstrate the particular strengths and vulnerabilities that can be exploited as AI is used to influence voters and political campaigns. As people grow more critical of institutions and the information they receive, governments and tech companies must exercise their responsibility to protect freedom of expression during elections.

This year’s World Press Freedom Day (May 3) focused on AI’s effect on press freedom, the free flow of information, and how to ensure access to information and fundamental freedoms. AI brings the risk of spreading misinformation or disinformation and spreading online hate speech. In elections, this can violate free speech and privacy rights.

In a parallel event hosted in the context of the World Press Freedom Global Conference 2025. The event also coincided with the launch of a new issue brief from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) detailing the growing influence of AI and the potential risks—and opportunities—to freedom of expression during elections.

Recommender algorithms that determine what a user sees and interacts with when it comes to information can have wider implications on the information that that user has access to during an election cycle, according to Pedro Conceição, UNDP Director of the Human Development Report Office.

“I think we need the humility to recognize that they are so complex and they have this element of novelty that requires us to bring together perspectives from across a range of stakeholders,” said Conceição.

Freedom of expression is essential for elections to be run in a credible, transparent environment. Fostering this freedom and access to information allows for public engagement and discourse. Countries are obligated under international law to respect and protect the freedom of expression. During elections, this responsibility can become challenging. How this responsibility is handled across state authorities varies between countries. The increased investments in AI have allowed for actors in the electoral process to make use of this technology.

Electoral management bodies are responsible for informing citizens on how to participate in elections. They may rely on AI to disseminate the information more readily through social media platforms. AI can also help with the implementation of strategic information strategies and public awareness efforts, as well as online analysis and research.

Social media and other digital platforms have been visibly employing generative AI as their parent companies experiment with how it can be integrated into their services. They are also employing it in content moderation. However, there has been an emphasis on increasing platform engagement and retention, at the risk of compromising information integrity. Young people in particular increasingly use social media as their main source of information, according to Cooper Gatewood, Senior Research Manager focusing on mis/disinformation at BBC Media Action.

“Audiences are aware of and understanding of the quantity of false information circulating at the moment,” said Gatewood. He discussed the findings of surveys conducted in Indonesia, Tunisia, and Libya, where 83, 39, and 35 percent of respondents, reported concerns with coming across misinformation or disinformation on a regular basis. Conversely, there was a “parallel trend” emerging in reports from Tunisia and Nepal that many users agreed that it was more important for information to be spread quickly than for it to be fact-checked.

“So this clearly demonstrates that AI-generated disinformation, especially in situations like elections, humanitarian contexts, crisis situations… where information can be spotty, or difficult to access, or move quite quickly… [the] false information that is shared quickly by audiences can very quickly have an impact and can produce a harm,” Gatewood warned.

Within the context of freedom of expression and elections, AI poses several risks to their integrity. For one, technological capabilities vary across the gamut among countries. Developing countries with a smaller tech infrastructure are less likely to have the tools to make use of AI or to deal with the issues that emerge. The frameworks on governing digital spaces and AI in particular would also affect how effectively countries can regulate them.

Frameworks outlined in documents such as UNESCO’s Guidelines for the Governance of Digital Platforms (2023) and their recommendations on the Ethics of Artificial Intelligence (2021) provide stakeholders with insight into their responsibilities in protecting freedom of expression and information in the governance process. They also provide policy recommendations around data governance, ecosystems, and the environment, among other areas, based on the core need to protect human rights and dignity.

As Albertina Piterbarg, a UNESCO Electoral Project Officer in the Freedom of Expression and the Safety of Journalists Section, remarked at the panel, the organization found early on that it was “increasingly complex” to address digital information in only a “black-and-white” way. What they realized was that it was important to “create a multi-stakeholder approach” in dealing with digital technology and AI. This meant working with multiple stakeholders, such as governments, tech companies, private investors, academia, the media, and civil society, to build up a “common understanding” of the impacts of AI through capacity-building, for example.

“We need to address this in a human rights-based approach. We need to address this in an egalitarian way. And in every election, every democracy is important. It doesn’t matter the commercial impact or other private interests,” said Piterbarg.

Pamela Figueroa, President of the Board of Directors of the Electoral Service of Chile, spoke at the panel on her country’s experiences with AI during the electoral process, notably the risk of “information pollution.” She warned that the deluge of information thanks to AI could “generate asymmetry in the political participation,” which can in turn affect the level of trust in institutions and the whole electoral process itself.

Information has become increasingly complex in the digital age, and AI has only added to that complexity. While people are increasingly aware of the presence of AI. AI-generated content, namely “deepfakes,” is being used to undermine the political process and discredit political candidates, and the technology to create deepfakes is unfortunately easily accessible to the public.

It has been proven that AI models are not immune from human biases and discrimination, and this can be reflected in their outputs. AI has also been used in spreading gender discrimination through harassment and cyberstalking. Women politicians are more likely to be victims of deepfakes depicting them in sexualized contexts. When used in social media, gender discrimination and harassment can discourage women from political participation and public debate during elections.

With that said, AI also presents opportunities for freedom of expression. The brief points out that a multi-stakeholder approach is needed to address the specific needs for information integrity in the face of AI. Ensuring trust in the electoral process is more important than ever. State authors can achieve this through effective and reliable strategic communications campaigns, with the support of other stakeholders such as the media, civil society, and tech companies. Media and information literacy must be further cultivated to navigate the complex information spaces, with investments in both long-term and short-term interventions targeting youths and adults.

Digital platforms also have the responsibility to implement safeguards on AI and ensure protections in election-specific contexts. The brief outlines certain measures that can be taken, including investing in adequate content moderation for election needs; prioritizing the public good in how algorithms recommend electoral information; conducting and publishing risk assessments; promoting high-quality and accurate electoral information; and consulting civil society and electoral management bodies.

What this demonstrates is that the dynamics between AI, freedom of expression, and elections require multi-stakeholder approaches. Shared understanding and structured methods will be critical in conducting elections in a fast-moving environment, and the insights drawn from this specific context can provide strategies for how to cultivate AI’s broader potential for humanity. This must be taken into account when we consider that modern generative AI technology has been made more accessible and mainstream in the last two years and has already resulted in transformations across multiple sectors.

“We’ve taken these AI tools and they’re basically in everyone’s phone, And… to some extent it’s free,” said Ajay Patel, Technology and Election Expert, UNDP and the author of the issue brief. “So, where is that going to lead? What happens? What kind of innovation is going to be unleashed? For good? Sometimes for ill, when everyone has access to this sort of powerful flat technology?”

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

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