Africa

A farmer pours cow dung into the biodigester to be converted into energy. Credit: Robert Kibet/IPS

By Robert Kibet
ZOUNGOU, Burkina Faso, Jul 18 2025 (IPS)

In the heart of Burkina Faso’s drylands, in the village of Zoungou, a quiet transformation is underway. Alhaji Birba Issa, a smallholder onion farmer, bends over neat rows of lush green crops, the hum of solar-powered pumps audible in the background.

“This land used to sleep during the dry season,” he says, dusting soil from his hands. “Our diesel pump would break down. Crops died. But now, we farm all year.”

Issa leads one of 89 farmer cooperatives participating in the Renewable Energy for Agriculture and Livelihoods (REAL BF) programme, which is equipping smallholder farmers, especially women and youth, with clean energy technologies that are reshaping agricultural productivity and dignity across Burkina Faso’s drought-prone regions.

When Energy Meets Agriculture

Burkina Faso faces some of the highest levels of climate vulnerability in the world. Over 80 percent of its population depends on rain-fed agriculture, which has become increasingly unreliable due to erratic rainfall and rising temperatures.

In response, the REAL BF program—implemented by Practical Action with support from multiple development partners—has taken a holistic approach. It connects off-grid solar systems, biodigesters, and energy-efficient processing technologies to smallholder farming, helping communities extend their farming seasons, preserve harvests, and reduce reliance on polluting fuels.

By July 2024, the programme had reached 15,937 smallholder farmers, more than 80 percent of them women, and achieved 82 percent activity completion and 90 percent budget execution.

“These are not drop-and-go technologies,” says Issouf Ouédraogo, Practical Action’s West Africa Regional Director. “We co-designed the solutions with farmers, supported them to organize in cooperatives, and trained them to manage the systems. The results are community-owned, and that’s why it’s working.”

Fields that Grow Beyond Rain

In places like Komki Ipala, solar-powered irrigation now reaches 115 hectares of farmland. Farmers grow vegetables, rice, legumes, and onions throughout the year—no longer limited to the short rainy season.

“Before, we farmed three months,” says Aminata Zangre, a cooperative leader in Zoungou. “Now we plan for eight. My children eat better. We sell the surplus. And we use cow dung to generate energy. It’s like turning waste into hope.”

Zangre’s cooperative uses biodigesters to turn livestock waste into biogas and compost, reducing deforestation and creating a sustainable cycle of cooking fuel and organic fertilizer.

In Gon-Boussougou, Molle Nossira supervises a fish processing cooperative that once struggled with spoilage and smoke. “The fish used to go bad before midday. Now we use energy-efficient ovens and solar cold rooms,” she says. “Our fish stays fresh. We sell at better prices. We even sell cold drinks, which attract more customers.”

Quantifying the Impact

The numbers tell a compelling story:

• 180 MWh of clean energy is generated annually by the systems installed.
• 148 tonnes of compost and 1,268 kg of butane-equivalent biogas are produced yearly.
• 722 tonnes of firewood saved per year, helping preserve 135 hectares of forest.
• An estimated 1,437 tonnes of CO₂ emissions are avoided annually.
• Each smallholder farmer has seen a minimum income increase of 50,000 CFA francs (around USD 80) annually—often more.

“Food security has improved. Post-harvest losses are down. Women no longer spend hours collecting firewood,” says Farid Sawadogo, a field coordinator with Practical Action. “We see resilience growing in very real ways.”

Women in the Lead

While energy infrastructure is often seen as a male domain, this programme has turned that perception on its head.

In Koulpelé, Awa Convolbo leads a women’s cooperative focused on shea butter processing. “We used to work entirely with firewood, which was exhausting and harmful,” she recalls. “Now we use improved cookstoves and solar-powered water pumps. Our income has grown, and I’ve been able to support my children’s education.”

Convolbo participated in a knowledge exchange visit to Rwanda and returned home inspired to restructure her cooperative’s finances. “Clean energy didn’t just change how we cook—it changed how we lead,” she says.

Youth Shaping the Future

Young people, too, have found new roles in their communities—maintaining solar systems, managing cooperative finances, and digitizing agricultural planning tools.

“Young people now see farming and energy as a future,” says Sawadogo. “They are staying in their villages, building careers, and bringing new ideas.”

To further support access to knowledge and resources, Practical Action launched the Yiriwali Platform, a multilingual digital tool where farmers can choose clean energy technologies, find technology providers, and connect with microfinance institutions. Available in French, Moore, Dioula, and Fulfulde, the platform strengthens ties between smallholder farmers, tech suppliers, and financiers.

Scaling Lessons Beyond Borders

The REAL BF programme aligns with the UN’s Local Climate Adaptive Living Facility (LoCAL) and supports the Sustainable Development Goals—particularly SDG 2 (Zero Hunger), SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy), and SDG 13 (Climate Action).

With demonstrated success in rural Burkina Faso, the model is attracting interest from agencies like UNDP, FAO, and ECOWAS as a blueprint for scaling across the Sahel.

Practical Action hopes to expand the programme and deepen its impact through additional investment, particularly for the remaining cooperatives that could not yet be funded due to budget limitations.

“We’re showing that smallholder farmers aren’t victims of climate change,” says Ouédraogo. “They’re agents of climate resilience—when they have the right tools and power.”

Farming with Dignity

Back in Zoungou, Birba Issa reflects on the change he has seen in his community: children returning to school, women leading cooperatives, and farmers planning not just for the season but for the future.

“We’ve turned drylands into green fields,” he says. “And we farm with dignity.”

As the sun sets over the Sahel, these solar-powered communities are not just surviving—they are showing the rest of the region how to thrive.

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Credit: United Nations

By Jesselina Rana
NEW YORK, Jul 18 2025 (IPS)

In its 80-year history the UN has never once been led by a woman. As the international community convenes for the 2025 High-Level Political Forum (HLPF) to review progress on gender equality and other Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), this remains a fundamental hypocrisy at the heart of global governance. How can an institution that has systematically excluded women from its highest office credibly champion gender justice worldwide?

With the various SDGs under review this year – goal 3 (health), 5 (gender equality), 8 (decent work), 14 (life below water) and 17 (partnerships) – there’s a widening gap between the UN’s pledge to seek ‘evidence-based solutions’ to ‘leave no one behind’ and the lived reality of women, girls and excluded communities worldwide. Despite decades of rhetoric on inclusion, these groups remain systemically marginalised from meaningful power and access to decision-making.

This contradiction between rhetoric and reality reflects a deeper power imbalance across the world that undermines the credibility and the effectiveness of efforts to address pressing global challenges.

CIVICUS’s State of Civil Society Report paints a picture of a disturbing rollback of progress on gender justice that spans continents and contexts. In Afghanistan, the Taliban have institutionalised a system of gender apartheid. In the USA, the Trump administration has drastically curtailed access to reproductive healthcare. Globally, the freeze on USAID’s health funding is projected to deny 11.7 million of the world’s most excluded women access to contraception, leading to over 4.2 million unintended pregnancies and more than 8,300 preventable maternal deaths. In Russia, the state’s campaign against ‘child-free propaganda’ represents its latest attempt to control women’s choices and repress LGBTQI+ people.

According to UN experts, Palestinian women and girls have faced sexual violence in detention, including being strip-searched by Israeli soldiers. In China, women’s rights activists have been imprisoned for ‘inciting subversion of state power’. Meanwhile, authorities in Ghana, Kenya, Mali and Uganda have introduced harsh anti-LGBTQI+ laws under the guise of protecting family values.

These global trends and imbalances are exacerbated by attacks on civic space, restricting civil society’s ability to challenge discriminatory laws and practices and dramatically increasing risks to the safety and lives of those who dare to resist. According to the CIVICUS Monitor, a collaborative initiative tracking civic space worldwide, over 70 per cent of the world’s population lives in countries where civic space is severely restricted. Only six out of 37 countries participating in Voluntary National Reviews at this year’s HLPF – the Bahamas, the Czech Republic, Finland, Japan, Micronesia and St Lucia – have open civic space. Civic freedoms are being crushed precisely when public participation is most desperately needed.

Even in the face of persistent failings in global governance and multilateral systems, feminist leadership continues to deliver where institutions fall short. As the UN marks the 25th anniversary of its Women, Peace and Security agenda, its most powerful legacy lies not in policy declarations, but in the actions of women who have transformed its vision into reality from Colombia to Sudan and Myanmar to Ukraine, contributing to peace agreements, defending rights under attack and rebuilding communities. Their leadership is often intersectional, crisis-tested and grounded in lived realities – precisely the evidence-based solutions needed to truly leave no one behind.

Today, the most effective responses to pressing global needs – climate resilience, democratic renewal and gender justice – are coming from the grassroots. Feminist movements, particularly in the global south, are already delivering on the SDGs, despite restricted civic space, chronic underfunding and persistent sidelining by patriarchal power structures locally to globally.

Across every metric that matters – from peace sustainability to economic resilience, from climate adaptation to democratic governance – feminist leadership works. Yet the institutions tasked with solving global challenges continue to exclude the leaders who’ve proven most effective at delivering solutions. If the UN80 Initiative is truly aimed at reasserting the value of multilateralism, it must centre the voices of women and excluded groups in policymaking and implementation.

The 2025 HLPF should offer a moment of reckoning. States can continue the charade of promoting gender equality while perpetuating gender exclusion at the highest levels, or they can finally align their actions with their rhetoric.

Through the 1 for 8 Billion campaign, civil society is calling for multilateral structures to be reimagined. This is not a call for incremental change or token gestures: it’s a demand for transformation. The world can’t afford another 80 years of male-dominated leadership at the UN while women and excluded communities bear the disproportionate brunt of global crises. The selection process for the next UN Secretary-General must be transparent and inclusive, and the role should be held by an intersectional feminist woman who leads with courage and holds truth to power.

Jesselina Rana is UN advisor at CIVICUS, the global civil society alliance.

 

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Nigerian MMA fighter and police officer Juliet Ukah will be part of the first Professional Fighters League event in Africa on Saturday.

Nigerian MMA fighter and police officer Juliet Ukah will be part of the first Professional Fighters League event in Africa on Saturday.

By Takaedza Tafirei and Asma Darwish
HARARE, Zimbabwe / TOURS, France, Jul 18 2025 (IPS)

Across the globe—from Gaza’s rubble to the streets of Tbilisi—people are standing up for justice, dignity, and basic rights. But far too often, they are paying with their freedom, their safety, even their lives.

Why, in 2025, does speaking out for justice still cost an arm and a leg?

Takaedza Tafirei

As human rights defenders ourselves, we ask this not as a rhetorical flourish, but from the depths of personal experience. The world is witnessing a sharp rise in protest repression, even in so-called democratic states. And the silence—or worse, complicity—of the international community is deafening.

The CIVICUS Monitor paints a worrying picture: only 40 out of 198 countries maintain an open civic space, while 72.4% of the world’s population lives under repressive or closed conditions—a rise from the previous year. Freedom of expression violations appeared in 49 countries (45% of all cases), while peaceful-assembly and association violations made up 29% and 26%, respectively. Alarmingly, detention of human rights defenders was recorded in at least 58 countries, and nearly 10% of violations were linked to Israel, Palestine and solidarity protests.

Such repression can take place anywhere–from authoritarian countries to “mature democracies.” In March 2025, for instance, the United States—once a global standard-bearer—was added to the CIVICUS Watchlist for its rapid decline in civic freedoms, including executive orders threatening peaceful assemblies and free expression.

When democracies tighten civic space, authoritarian actors feel empowered to escalate their own crackdowns. This is a dangerous global trend.

Both of us have personal experience facing down authoritarianism.

Takaedza comes from Zimbabwe, where his journey as a protest organizer taught him what state repression looks like up close. Today, he coordinates global efforts to protect the right to peaceful protest at CIVICUS, working with brave activists who’ve been beaten, jailed, and silenced—simply for demanding a better future. From his own experience, he’s lived their fears and their hopes.

Asma Darwish

Asma was arrested in Bahrain for organizing protests. She’s now exiled in France because she dared to demand rights that should never be negotiable. In Bahrain, she was told she could live a comfortable life so long as she didn’t open her mouth. Talk about women’s rights, prisoners’ rights, peaceful assembly, freedom of expression, and suddenly, you’re a criminal.

Today, Asma leads the Stand As My Witness campaign at CIVICUS, which advocates for the release of imprisoned human rights defenders around the world. Since its launch five years ago on the 18 July Nelson Mandela International Day, Stand As My Witness has helped contribute to the release of 31 jailed human rights defenders around the world, from Burundi to Saudi Arabia, Algeria to Zimbabwe.

We do this work professionally, but we also know what it means to be persecuted and to feel abandoned, unseen. And we know how life-changing it can be when the world stands in solidarity with you.

From the pro-Palestinian student protests in the U.S. to Georgia’s anti–foreign agent law demonstrations, from Kenya’s #RejectFinanceBill movement to Mozambique’s electoral justice protests to Iran’s Women, Life, Freedom uprising—one pattern is clear: the price of peaceful protest is becoming unbearable.

Civic space is shrinking at an alarming rate. And when countries that are supposed to model democracy begin restricting their own civic spaces, it sends a dangerous signal. It emboldens authoritarian regimes to crack down even harder, knowing there will be little consequence.

This global assault on protest rights isn’t just a threat to human rights—it’s an attack on the very spirit of youth-led resistance. It’s an attempt to smother change before it even begins.

To be persecuted for speaking out is not just a legal issue—it’s emotional, mental, deeply personal. It’s isolation. It’s fear. It’s the constant threat that your activism might cost your freedom—or worse, your life.

But it’s also resilience. It’s the strength of knowing you are not alone. And that’s where you, the reader, come in.

This isn’t just our fight—it’s yours too. Here’s how the world can stand with those risking everything for justice.

First, always name and shame repressive governments.

Some regimes are incredibly sensitive to international perception. Public exposure—through social media, op-eds, open letters, and campaigns like #StandAsMyWitness —can be a powerful deterrent. In Asma’s case, sustained international pressure contributed to her release from detention and that of some family members. Naming and shaming works. Use your voice.

Second, practice global solidarity so human rights defenders feel seen and not forgotten.

When defenders are imprisoned, they often feel abandoned, but just knowing their names are being spoken and stories shared gives them strength. Personal letters, solidarity statements, and international acknowledgment matter. Solidarity isn’t symbolic—it’s strategic. It reminds governments that the world is watching, and assures imprisoned activists that they are not alone.

Third, if you can, provide real support such as legal, logistical, and mental health aid.

Many human rights defenders operate under immense strain with limited resources. Donating to or supporting trusted groups who provide legal assistance, emergency relocation, digital security or trauma care can help ease the burden and provide material benefits for whatever activists under threat might need in the moment. Likewise, attending trials—even virtually—can deter abuse and spotlight injustice. Advocating for mental health care, including for activists seeking asylum, is both necessary and long overdue.

Along those same lines, don’t just look abroad for activism–always make sure you fight for your rights at home and hold your own government accountable, too. That means pushing your elected officials to speak out on global abuses, provide asylum for persecuted human rights defenders, and safeguard civic space. Democracy isn’t static. When we lose it in one place, we all feel the effects. And if you lose your ability to protest peacefully in your own country, it will be even harder to stand up for the rights of others across borders.

Next, use your platform—whatever it is. Whether you’re an artist, educator, influencer, student, or professional—use your space to amplify human rights defenders’ voices. Bring their stories into classrooms, media and workplaces. Advocate for them publicly. Help shift the narrative from passive sympathy to active solidarity.

Last of all, don’t forget to celebrate human rights defenders. Too often, we hear about human rights defenders only at negative times such as when they’re imprisoned or killed. But their courage deserves celebration. Nominating them for awards, fellowships and storytelling projects honors their resistance and affirms their dignity.

Despite the crackdowns, we are not without hope because we’ve seen throughout the Stand As My Witness campaign how solidarity and activism works. Change is possible as long as across the globe, people organize, resist, and imagine a more just and free world.

If we want a world where justice is not punished, where peaceful protest is not criminalized, where human rights defenders do not pay with their lives—then we must act now. Not later. Not when it’s convenient. But now. Solidarity is our only currency for survival.

Takaedza Tafirei is Programme Coordinator for Freedom of Peaceful Assembly at CIVICUS and a former protest organiser.

Asma Darwish is a Bahraini human rights defender and Lead for Stand As My Witness Campaign & MENA Advocacy at CIVICUS.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Credit: ASEAN

By Palitha Kohona
COLOMBO, Sri Lanka, Jul 18 2025 (IPS)

Who in Asia would ask for an Asian NATO? Past attempts to develop Asian security compacts under US leadership have not been glittering successes. The two treaty organisations that the US set up in the 50s to counter the Communist tide, the CENTO and the SEATO, have long dissipated.

Indo-China was taken over by the Communists, despite American and allied military interventions, the large-scale bombing, the devastation of countries and the loss of millions of lives.

Now the countries targeted, having survived the US led interventions, and having adopted liberal economic approaches, are thriving. Today the Indo-Chinese countries have mutually beneficial economic and political relations with China.

China has invested billions to develop infrastructure in the Indo-China region under its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the economic benefits are palpable.

Over one billion USD has been invested in the region and beyond under the BRI with the goal of realising a common prosperous future. The strengthening economic ties would seem to outweigh any need for new military alliances.

After the ouster of the Shah in Iran, Central Asia has become a quagmire for US and Western interests. Despite the expenditure of billions, repeated military interventions and millions of deaths, mainly of non-combatants, no one would suggest that peace has dawned on the Central Asian region covered by CENTO.

The ten ASEAN countries have developed an intertwined economic relationship with China and have benefitted hugely from the bilateral free trade agreement. Today China has replaced the US as the main trading partner of ASEAN, with bilateral trade reaching almost a billion US Dollars.

Goods produced in ASEAN, including fruits and vegetables, have ready access to the lucrative Chinese market and millions of Chinese tourists are pouring into ASEAN countries. The bilateral student exchange is thriving with Chinese students accessing educational opportunities, particularly in Singapore and Malaysia.

Admittedly, there could be flash points in the South China Sea, highlighted, and at times exaggerate in particular, by the Western media. But given the nature of the strengthening bilateral economic and people to people relationship between ASEAN and China and the historical depth of their ties, left to themselves, it is likely that the countries of the region will resolve their differences on their own. No one from the region has, so far, proposed a military alliance to resolve their differences.

It is instructive that within days of the US announcing punitive tariffs on Australian copper and pharmaceutical exports, Prime Minister Albanese of Australia was in China with a high powered trade delegation promoting trade and tourism. China is Australia’s largest trading partner and is unlikely to be eager to upset the apple cart (beef market?) by promoting a defence arrangement targeting China.

Australian exports to China amounted to AUD 196 billion in 2024 and are growing. Australia’s exports to China have a significant positive impact on the living standards of average Australians.

The QUAD involving the US, Japan, Australia and India, although promoted with much hype when it was first created, has in recent times become less prominent.

China is nuclear armed but has a no-first-use policy. Nuclear armed North Korea has a policy centred on deterring attacks. In the circumstances to promote a NATO type arrangement in East and South East Asia as a deterrent would seem excessive and provocative. China has only one base outside mainland China (In Djibouti) to counter piracy in the region.

North Korea has none. China nor North Korea have any defence oriented military personnel outside their own territories. The US has thousands of military personnel in bases surrounding China. The US pivot to Asia had China in its cross hairs. It is the US that has identified China as a strategic threat not the other way around.

The best way to reduce real and imaginary tensions (some stoked intentionally), would be to encourage parties to engage in dialogue with each other. A fractured world needs peace, not more conflict, for human progress.

What we require are alliances that promote infrastructure development for developing countries, that address the threat of climate change and sea level rise, which strive to eliminate extreme poverty, and which will make the world a better place for the living and for future generations.

In the past, US military incursions in the region did not produce peace. On the contrary, the progress of countries was dramatically curtailed, thousands of combatants and civilians died and millions were maimed. We must learn from the past painful experiences.

Dr Palitha Kohona is former chief of the UN Treaty section, a former Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations, and until recently, Ambassador to China.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Digital technologies such as AI are transforming digital ecosystems. Credit: UN Photo/Elma Okic

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 17 2025 (IPS)

Over the past several decades, digital technologies have transformed nearly every aspect of human life, revolutionizing developments across multiple sectors, including healthcare, education, and commerce, to name a few. However, these changes have also brought forth new concerns surrounding the preservation of human rights in an increasingly digitizing world.

On July 11, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR), Volker Türk, addressed a high-level event at the twentieth anniversary of the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) to underscore the emerging risks associated with the rise of digital technology. With society being more connected now than ever before, people are more vulnerable to discrimination, breaches of privacy, and restrictions of freedom.

“The risks are far-reaching: affecting privacy, the job market, the right to be free from discrimination, the right to access to information and express oneself – even our shared perception of reality,” said Türk. “It is precisely in the face of massive change, that we need more human rights, not less…Our rights provide the blueprint to help us manage the enormous challenges thrown up by rapidly evolving technologies.”

Since the rise of digital technology, human rights organizations, state governments and civilians have all voiced concerns surrounding potential violations of privacy. Many digital applications today rely on surveillance and data aggregation systems to collect information on users to tailor advertisements and social media feeds. However, this leaves millions of users worldwide vulnerable to data breaches, potentially exposing personal information to exploitative individuals.

According to a press release from Amnesty International, biometric surveillance systems such as facial recognition and fingerprint scanners, as well as spyware, are regularly used by governments and law enforcement to collect information on human rights activists and journalists. This data is often weaponized and used for abuse, such as blackmail, stalking, doxxing, intimidation, and harassment, violating numerous fundamental human rights.

“The surveillance industry must no longer be afforded a laissez-faire approach from governments with a vested interest in using this technology to commit human rights violations,” said Agnès Callamard, the Secretary-General of Amnesty International.

“Clearly, their actions pose larger questions about the wholesale lack of regulation that has created a wild west of rampant abusive targeting of activists and journalists. Until the industry as a whole can show it is capable of respecting human rights, there must be an immediate moratorium on the export, sale, transfer and use of surveillance technology.”

In 2018, law enforcement groups began using investigative genetic genealogy (IGG), a technique relying on DNA evidence and user data from genealogy databases to identify possible suspects or victims of crimes. This technique proved to be highly effective, solving over 600 cases as of 2023. According to Barbara Rae Venter, a renowned genetic genealogist, this technique streamlines the investigative process, comparing it to finding a “needle in a haystack”.

However, many users argued that this sets a detrimental precedent for the use of personal information. According to a study from the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the majority of genealogy services do not inform users of if their data is visible to law enforcement. Furthermore, there is always a possibility for a false positive, which has severe implications that are exacerbated by “existing biases” in the criminal justice system. For example, the police might hone in on certain individuals based on specific genetic markers, such as race or ethnic background.

Prosecutors and courts might also disproportionately target these groups based on evidence that could very well be a false positive. Furthermore, experts are uncertain on if this information will be publicly available to employers in the future, further raising risks of discrimination.

The recent emergence of artificial intelligence (AI) has also raised concerns of discrimination. According to Amnesty International, governments are currently using algorithm-based AI technologies across numerous sectors, including healthcare delivery, immigration, and employment. Much of these programs have a high propensity for algorithmic bias, as these algorithms are designed to pick up on statistical outliers. Depending on the sector, these algorithms could disproportionately harm the most vulnerable populations.

For social welfare delivery programs, there is no room for error as algorithmic bias could severely restrict human rights for the most vulnerable communities. Oftentimes, groups that are deemed to be statistical outliers- such as the disabled or ethnic minorities- are overlooked and don’t receive the assistance that they need. Additionally, these groups are at heightened risks of discrimination in the workplace, with many AI systems detecting them and automatically disregarding their applications based on typicality rather than merit.

According to UN Women, women, people of color, migrants and LGBTQIA+ individuals are at a higher risk of facing digital violence and abuse. A global study conducted by Plan International found that roughly 53 percent of women and girls have experienced some form of online harassment. Additionally, Amnesty International underscores the rise of hate speech and incitement of violence in social media content across a variety of platforms.

In order to make the digital world a safe space for people from all walks of life, it is imperative for governments to address the lack of regulations, hold the tech industry accountable, and operate with far more transparency. New technologies are constantly being developed, many of which have the ability to revolutionize human life. Proper regulations must be put in place that empower vulnerable groups and use personal data ethically and securely.

“We have a window of opportunity to make a difference,” said Türk. “We must join forces – States, technology companies, international organisations, civil society, and others – to work towards an inclusive and open digital environment for everyone, everywhere.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The World Bank Headquarters in Washington D.C. Credit: Unsplash/Zoshua Colah

By Maximilian Malawista
NEW YORK, Jul 17 2025 (IPS)

Today, 3.4 billion people live in countries that spend more on debt interest payments than on health or education. This marks a trembling indication that the United Nations’ promise for the 2030 Agenda could be slipping away.

With less than five years left, developing countries are facing an estimated USD 4 trillion in annual financing gaps, placing sustainable development efforts on the back-burner.

The financing gaps across regions, as shown below, reflect the disparity

Asia and Oceania

· 2.139 billion people (Interest > Education)
· 2.24 billion people (Interest > Health)

Africa

· 402 million people (Interest > Education)
· 791 million people (Interest > Health)

Latin America and the Caribbean

· 140 million people (Interest > Education)
· 356 million people (Interest > Health)

The Aggregate

· 3.4 billion people (Interest > Education)
· 2.4 billion people (Interest > Health)

Education has been found to be the most effective long-term solution to lifting people out of poverty. Now with almost half the world in regions where debt interest payments are being prioritized over education, it reveals a daunting future; one which could halt progress in SDG 4 (Quality education), and create hurdles for SDG 1 (No Poverty).

The Sevilla Platform for Action

At the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development (FfD4) the Sevilla Platform for Action was launched, putting forward 130 “high-impact” initiatives aimed at implementation of reconstructive and expansionary policy from the start.

The platforms look at implementing three key areas of solution:

1. Catalyze Investments at Scale – bridging SDG financing gaps, involving the mobilization of tax revenues, blended finance initiatives, among guarantees and local currency lending by multilateral development banks, and overall increasing financing for crisis response.

2. Debt Reform Initiatives – A global hub for debt swaps in exchange for development, a debt pauses clause alliance, and a borrowers’ forum.

3. Structural Reform to Global Financial Architecture – Architecture reforms at national and global levels, involving a coalition of countries and institutions aimed at country led and owned platforms, a second coalition for including measures of vulnerability beyond GDP in all financing operations, and efforts to update development cooperation on a global scale.

UNCTAD Secretary-General Rebecca Grynspan stressed the need for an integrated approach “We need to think about development in an integrated way where trade, investment, finance and technology reinforce each other as the Sevilla Commitment states,” said Grynspan.

According to UNCTAD, trade remains “the strongest link between local economies and global growth”. To establish these networks, this involves advocating for predictable trade rules, and transparent policies to help construct a capacity, competitiveness, and resilience among developing nations economies.

Another proposal by the platform is “turning public debt from a burden into a tool of development,” calling for lowering borrowing costs and fairer mechanisms, ultimately exceeding the limits set by the G20 Common Framework for Debt Treatment. This would include a tripling of lending capacity, increasing the borrowing limit from USD 50 billion to USD 150 billion.

The global debt trap

In the last decade, developing countries have borrowed more and at higher interest rates then that of the developed world, leading to the rise of debt burden and the shrinking of essential public services. Since 2010, in developing countries debt has grown twice as fast as that of advanced economies. Today, that debt has grown to USD 102 trillion, an increase of USD 5 trillion from the past year.

Just in 2024 alone, 61 countries allocated more than 10 percent of their government revenues on interest payments, amounting to USD 921 billion. Developing countries now owe USD 31 trillion collectively, resources which could have been distributed toward public goods like education and healthcare.

To put this to scale, many of these developing countries have been borrowing at average rates two to four times higher than the United States despite having far fewer resources to repay that debt. These debt burdens are creating crushing opportunity costs, stunting the lives of some of the world’s most vulnerable populations.

Debt can be a powerful tool for investment and development when used properly. But now, rising interest payments are actively crowding out future investment, creating cycles for delay and dependency through debt traps. This has cost developing nations USD 25 billion in net interest to their creditors, leading to massive net negative financial flows now for several years in a row. These countries are paying more to borrow the money than what they receive, making sustainable development nearly impossible, and ultimately forcing some of these economies into survival mode.

UN Secretary-General António Guterres described the current debt system as: “Unsustainable, unfair and unaffordable, with many governments spending more on debt payments than on essentials like health and education combined.” Guterres called for the intervention of a new global debt system, one which offers long term and affordable financing, to reverse the damage done by the current global debt trap.

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Ruth Chepngetich, the women's marathon world record holder, is provisionally suspended by the Athletics Integrity Unit (AIU) for a banned substance.

Critics say women's bodies should not be policed in the name of cultural pride.

The authorities said the body was a waste of money - the junta leader is set to stay in power for four years.

Ons Jabeur says she is to take a "step back" from tennis for her own wellbeing as she has not "felt happy on court for some time now".

Sixth-grade students perform harvesting work in the Pedagogical school garden of the Mixed Rural Official School, located in El Horizonte, a small village in the municipality of Tejutla, San Marcos department, in southwestern Guatemala. Credit: Pep Bonet / FAO

By Máximo Torero
SANTIAGO, Jul 17 2025 (IPS)

In a region where hunger has cast a persistent shadow for generations, from the debt crises of the 1980s through the volatility of the 1990s to the recent shock of COVID-19, an unexpected and powerful development is now emerging: Latin America and the Caribbean is making significant progress in the global fight against hunger.

After years of fragile and uneven progress, the region is now showing, for the first time in over a decade, a clear and sustained trend: undernourishment has declined from 7% in 2021 to 6.2% in 2023, according to the latest State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2024 report by FAO and its partner agencies.

This outcome is no accident. It is the result of bold decisions, innovative public policies, and strong regional cooperation. The region is showing that with political will, social investment, and a forward-looking vision, hunger is not inevitable. It is a choice

This means that 4.3 million people are no longer suffering from hunger, and more than 37 million have overcome moderate or severe food insecurity. For the first time, Latin America and the Caribbean are below the global average on this key indicator.

This outcome is no accident. It is the result of bold decisions, innovative public policies, and strong regional cooperation. The region is showing that with political will, social investment, and a forward-looking vision, hunger is not inevitable. It is a choice.

During the pandemic, Latin American countries put their capacities to the test: over 460 social protection measures were activated to cushion the impact of economic collapse. Around 60% of the regional population received some form of assistance, from cash transfers to direct food distribution.

And when inflation severely impacted basic food prices, many governments reactivated these safety nets. Latin America did not merely endure—it learned, adapted, and protected.

One emblematic example of this transformation is the School Feeding Programs. More than 80 million children receive meals at school thanks to a policy that integrates nutrition, education, and rural development.

Through the Sustainable School Feeding Network (RAES), promoted by FAO and Brazil, more than 23,000 schools have been transformed into spaces of food security. Over 9,000 family farmers have been integrated into public procurement systems, strengthening local economies. This is not just social policy—it’s smart economic policy.

Initiatives like Hand-in-Hand also reflect a new way of thinking about development: identifying territories with agricultural potential that are trapped in poverty and building public-private investments to unlock that potential. It’s a commitment to ensure that no one, and no territory, is left behind.

Of course, challenges remain. The Caribbean continues to show high levels of undernourishment. Women and rural populations still face persistent inequalities. But this time, the region is not merely reacting—it is anticipating, planning, and executing. It is taking the lead.

And it is not alone. The G20 Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, led by Brazil with technical support from FAO, offers a platform to bring these regional solutions to the world. Latin America is no longer just a recipient of aid—it is a source of global solutions.

In a world with enough resources to feed everyone, hunger is a tragedy that has been created. Latin America and the Caribbean are proving that it can be dismantled.

Today, the most unequal region in the world is delivering one of the most powerful lessons: with determination, innovation, and cooperation, Zero Hunger by 2030 is not a utopia. It is an achievable commitment. It is a future that has already begun.

Excerpt:

Máximo Torero Cullen is the Chief Economist of FAO Assistant Director-General and Regional Representative ad interim for Latin America and the Caribbean

Credit: sameer madhukar chogale/shutterstock.com

By Robert Mizo
Jul 17 2025 (IPS)

On 1 July, the foreign ministers of the Quad—Australia, India, Japan and the US—convened for the second time this year in Washington, DC. While the first meeting, held just hours after the inauguration of Donald Trump as the 47th President of the United States, signaled the Quad’s significance to the new US administration, the second meeting indicates that the Quad is entering a new phase with a renewed focus on a strategic and hard security agenda, weaning itself away from its non-traditional security priorities. This presents a departure from its previous versions: the first Quad, which collapsed in 2007, centred on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), and Quad 2.0, which was reinstated in 2017, gradually developed a broad public goods agenda.

The joint statement issued by the Quad foreign ministers after their January 2025 meeting in DC was unusually circumscribed. The group reaffirmed their “shared commitment to strengthening a Free and Open Indo-Pacific where the rule of law, democratic values, sovereignty, and territorial integrity are upheld and defended.” Without explicitly naming China, as usual, the ministers registered their strong opposition to “any unilateral actions” that might seek to alter “the status quo by force or coercion” in the Indo-Pacific region. China responded to this cautioning through its Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning, saying, “China’s activities in relevant waters are lawful, legitimate and completely justified.”

In their 1 July joint statement, the Quad foreign ministers reiterated their collective opposition to any unilateral actions seeking to upend the regional “status-quo by force or coercion”—a phrase they used more than once in the statement. While reaffirming their commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific, the group underscored their “commitment to defending the rule of law, sovereignty, and territorial integrity” of the region. They underlined how the maritime domain underpins the security and prosperity of the region, implying that the Quad views any unilateral exertions in the maritime domain, particularly by China, with stern caution.

Even though the July statement still does not mention China, it stressed ‘concerns’ over the situation in the East and South China Seas. Some of the Quad’s concerns pertaining to the region listed are:

The interference with offshore resource development, the repeated obstruction of the freedoms of navigation and overflight, and the dangerous maneuvers by military aircraft and coast guard and maritime militia vessels, especially the unsafe use of water cannons and ramming or blocking actions in the South China Sea… We are seriously concerned about the militarization of disputed features.

The Quad sees these actions as ‘dangerous and provocative’ and threatens ‘peace and stability in the region’. In effect, China’s perceived belligerence and excesses in the South and East China Seas make up a bulk of the concerns for the Quad.

Further, the foreign ministers condemned North Korea’s destabilizing ballistic missile launches, its continued pursuit of nuclear weapons, and its malicious cyber activity, including cryptocurrency theft. The ministers called upon all UN Member States to uphold and implement the UNSC sanctions against North Korea to prohibit the transfer of arms and related material. In yet another veiled reference to China and Russia, the Quad expressed “deep concern about countries that are deepening military cooperation with North Korea, which directly undermines the global nonproliferation regime.”

The Quad ministers’ meeting reiterated cooperative measures to enhance maritime and regional security, promote economic prosperity and security, and critical and emerging technology and supply chains. They launched the Quad Critical Minerals Initiative to secure and diversify critical minerals supply chains. This is in response to their growing concerns over “the abrupt constriction and future reliability of key supply chains, specifically for critical minerals,” primarily due to China’s growing dominance in the region. The Quad insists that a diversified and reliable global supply chain is imperative to avoid potential coercion and monopoly of price by ‘one country’. China is yet to issue an official response to these remarks (at the time of this writing) but one can imagine these indictments will have very little curtailing effect on its military and ‘civilian’ activities in the region.

Additionally, the Quad expressed its continued efforts to strengthen maritime law enforcement collaboration through training, legal dialogues, and Coast Guard cooperation. This should also be read as a countermeasure to China’s belligerence in the Indo-Pacific waters, as the Quad holds freedom of navigation and overflight and other lawful uses of the sea as critical. They also reiterated as ‘significant’ the 2016 ruling of the Arbitral Tribunal, which dismissed China’s ‘historic rights’ claims in the South China Sea as invalid, holding it as the basis for resolving the conflict peacefully.

In addition to these hard security and strategic goals, the Quad foreign ministers did reiterate their keenness to advance humanitarian assistance and emergency response capabilities across the Indo-Pacific. They collectively raised over USD 30 million in humanitarian assistance for victims of the Myanmar earthquake in March 2025. They announced the first field training exercise under the Quad Indo-Pacific Logistics Network and confirmed the launch of the Quad Ports of the Future Partnership later this year. This shows that the Quad continues to have the element of public goods on its agenda.

However, the non-security agenda of the Quad is significantly narrowing. One glaring omission is any mention of its climate-related initiatives. The group instituted the Quad Climate Change Adaptation and Mitigation Package (Q-CHAMP) in 2022, containing a critical measures to mitigate and address the challenges emerging from climate change in the region. Initiatives in the package include the Climate and Information Service Taskforce, the Agriculture Innovation Mission for Climate, the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI), and the Quad Shipping Taskforce. It emphasized knowledge sharing to promote clean and renewable energies such as hydrogen and ammonia, methane reduction, Carbon Capturing, Utilization and Sequestration (CCUS), and Carbon Recycling. These measures were intended to assist partners in the region, including vulnerable Island States, in coping with the vagaries of the climate crisis, which is their biggest existential security challenge. It remains unclear if these missions will continue, or if the Quad’s Climate Working Group will remain functional.

It is evident that the Quad, in its new incarnation under the second Trump Administration, seeks to prioritize hard security issues. The few enduring non-traditional security efforts are also moved by strategic calculations. Some Quad watchers may see this as an encouraging development. However, it is vital to bear in mind that the group is hardly monolithic and may not successfully muster the collective political will to tame the strategic turmoil in the region, particularly those arising from China’s power excursions. India’s reluctance to engage in any direct confrontation with China, Japan’s and Australia’s economic dependence on China, and even the highly unpredictable current US foreign policy account for this uncertainty.

The Quad cannot securitize itself to the point that it becomes unable to operate or realize its original goal of securing a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific. It must strive to find a balance between its emerging realpolitik rhetoric and the allocation of public goods, which includes addressing the pressing needs of the most vulnerable people in the region. While it remains to be seen how the Quad evolves under the new US administration, it is of interest to see if (and how) the other three partners can keep alive the pursuit of public goods they had previously championed.

Related articles:
The Quad’s deepening maritime cooperation
The Quad, maritime security and climate change

Robert Mizo is an Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Delhi, India. He holds a PhD in Climate Policy studies. His research interests include Climate Change and Security, Climate Politics, Environmental Security, and International Environmental Politics. He has published and presented on the above topics at both national and international platforms. Robert has recently been a Japan Foundation Indo-Pacific Partnership (JFIPP) Research Fellow based at the Toda Peace Institute, Tokyo.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

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Electric buses are servicing Bangkok commuters. Credit: ESCAP Photo/Madan B. Regmi

By Tanatcha Supsin-amnuay, Madan B. Regmi and Yossapong Laoonual
BANGKOK, Thailand, Jul 17 2025 (IPS)

Thailand’s transport sector is a significant contributor to national greenhouse gas emissions, accounting for 18.4 per cent of the country’s total emissions. Bangkok is at the centre of this challenge. With more registered vehicles than residents, the resulting traffic congestion worsens air pollution and strains the city’s roads and overall mobility infrastructure.

While investments in mass transit, such as the Bangkok Mass Transit System (BTS) Skytrain, Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) subway, Airport Rail Link commuter line and public bus services are expanding, the city’s informal on-demand transport remains critical to its mobility ecosystem.

Motorcycle taxis and tuk-tuks continue to provide essential first- and last-mile connectivity, particularly in areas underserved by fixed-route systems. By strategically integrating both formal and informal transport solutions into its urban planning, Bangkok can turn its diverse mobility landscape into a powerful driver of low-carbon development.

Electrifying Bangkok’s Informal Mobility Sector

A fleet of more than 8,000 registered tuk-tuks and 63,000 motorcycle taxis forms a vast on-demand network that weaves through Bangkok’s narrow streets. The key opportunity lies not in replacing this system, but in electrifying it as part of a more sustainable city vision.

Innovation is generating new alternatives within this evolving transport ecosystem. A notable example is the ride-hailing service MuvMi, which uses electric tuk-tuks and a mobile app for booking shared rides, making trips more affordable. Since its launch in 2017, MuvMi has successfully reduced over 1,700 tonnes of CO₂ equivalent, showcasing how private sector solutions can deliver both climate and mobility benefits.

Electric Tuk Tuk in Bangkok. Credit: Karnplu Burintrarat

Another innovative electric motorcycle rental platform featuring a 24/7 battery swapping system is Winnonie. The service is primarily targeted at motorcycle taxi drivers and delivery riders, offering a cost-effective and practical alternative to gasoline-powered motorcycles. Users can rent electric motorcycles on a daily basis and reserve batteries via a mobile app without the need for down payments or long-term commitments. This model lowers operating costs compared to conventional motorcycles while supporting cleaner urban transport.

In contrast, the electrification of the city’s thousands of traditional tuk-tuks faces a more complex reality. These vehicles, often rented by their drivers and heavily reliant on tourism, operate under a different economic model. The high upfront cost of a new electric tuk-tuk is a major barrier for both fleet owners and individual drivers, with no clear financial incentive to upgrade.

The limited number of electric tuk-tuk manufacturers and dealerships makes vehicle owners hesitant to convert due to concerns about reliability and after-sales support. As a result, this iconic fleet risks being left behind in the city’s green transition.

Motorcycle taxis also face a complex set of challenges. For these essential last-mile providers, key barriers include high upfront costs and limited access to affordable financing. The lack of standardisation across battery-swapping systems restricts interoperability, limiting drivers’ ability to switch providers and reducing overall system efficiency. Unless these issues of cost, convenience, and interoperability are addressed through enabling policies, electrification of this fleet will remain constrained.

Scaling Up Electric Buses in Public Transit

On a broader scale, Bangkok is taking steps towards a long-term shift to electric public transport. A key catalyst is the Bangkok E-Bus Programme, which will deploy 1,913 electric buses along 122 routes, enabled by a climate finance partnership under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.

Through this arrangement, the Swiss-based KliK Foundation purchases internationally recognized carbon credits from the Thai programme owner. Revenue from these sales improves the financial viability of large-scale electric bus procurements. The programme’s climate impact is significant, with an expected cumulative reduction of 500,000 tonnes of CO₂ equivalent between 2021 and 2030.

The Thai government is also launching a plan to transition its public bus fleet. The state-run Bangkok Mass Transit Authority (BMTA) will replace its vehicles in phases between 2025 and 2032, leasing 1,520 electric buses as part of a broader goal to decommission 2,300 conventional buses.

This initiative aims to improve service quality and reduce PM2.5 air pollution across the metropolitan area. While private operators are expanding their EV fleets, this direct government investment marks a major step towards a cleaner public transit system.

Enhancing Sustainable Water Transport

Bangkok’s low-carbon transport network now includes electric water ferries along the Chao Phraya River. The MINE Smart Ferry service offers a cleaner alternative for commuters, operating on two routes with rail connections. The fleet comprises 35 electric vessels, each with a capacity of 150 to 250 passengers. Services run every 15 to 30 minutes, with a flat fare of THB 30 via contactless systems.

Electric boat in Chao Phraya River. Credit: Boonjira Khoprasert

Accelerating the Low-Carbon Transition

Despite efforts by authorities and operators, unified fare and service integration has yet to materialize. Bangkok’s shift toward sustainable mobility depends on progress in both mass transit and the electrification of informal services such as tuk-tuks and motorcycle taxis. The initiatives above show the potential of low-emission transport solutions to improve both environmental outcomes and access.

However, much of the sector still faces significant challenges. Traditional operators often struggle with high upfront vehicle costs, limited access to financing, a lack of charging infrastructure, and unclear regulatory and technical standards.

To support national efforts, ESCAP is implementing an ASEAN Electric Vehicle (EV) Accelerator Programme in partnership with the ASEAN Secretariat and the Mobility and Vehicle Technology Research Center (MOVE).

The programme aims to strengthen policymaker capacity to accelerate the public transport sector’s transition by developing an “Electric Vehicle Readiness Index” and conducting targeted needs assessments and capacity-building activities. Pilot countries include Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand.

Building on these initiatives, policymakers should prioritize fare integration and introduce targeted financial instruments such as subsidies or low-interest loans to reduce the cost burden on drivers and small operators. Establishing clear technical standards for vehicle conversions and ensuring interoperability of battery-swapping systems is critical for market stability and safety.

In parallel, coordinated investment from both public and private sectors is needed to scale up charging and maintenance infrastructure. Bangkok’s strong public and political commitment towards a cleaner and more equitable transport system offers valuable lessons for other fast-growing cities.

Tanatcha Supsin-amnuay is an Intern, Transport Division, ESCAP, Madan B. Regmi is Economic Affairs Officer, Transport Division, ESCAP and Yossapong Laoonual is King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi

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This illustration shows that the built-up area of Luxus Hotel in Hunza sits close to the 50-foot minimum setback from the lake mandated by the Environmental Protection Agency. It also appears that land has been reclaimed, and an embankment constructed along the lakeshore beside the hotel.

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Pakistan, Jul 17 2025 (IPS)

“It started with a thunderous roar in the distance, followed by the clatter of rocks grinding together,” said Mohammad Hussain, 26, a student, who witnessed the flash flood that hit the lakeside of Attabad on June 25, around 12:30 pm, in the mountainous Hunza Valley, a popular tourist spot in the northern part of Pakistan’s Gilgit-Baltistan (G-B).

Standing atop the Moon Bridge, he saw a muddy slush surging at high speed; the sloshing sound came with dull thuds as boulders slammed into the earth. “I was both scared and awestruck,” he told IPS over the phone from Hunza.

The valley had been experiencing unusually high temperatures that week. “We’re mountain folks—we can bear the cold, but not such intense heat,” he said.

Such erratic weather patterns reflect a broader trend.

A 2024 study shows that the fragile mountain ecosystem of G-B is severely affected by extreme weather and climate-related hazards like floods, avalanches, landslides, and glacier lake outburst floods (GLOFs). With 50 percent of the 72,971 km² land considered cultivable, the predominantly agrarian community uses just 2% to farm on small plots averaging  0.4 hectares per household. Reduced snowfall has led to water shortages and reduced grazing ground, increasing food insecurity in the region.

Experts warn that no construction should ever be carried out in a natural drainage path or catchment outlet. While these areas may appear stable for decades, a sudden intense flood can lead to devastating consequences. High-risk zones include ravines and low-lying veins that channel rain and meltwater.

Khadim Hussain, director of Gilgit-Baltistan’s Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), explained that the heatwave had caused rapid snowmelt in the mountains, swelling the Burundubar stream and triggering a flash flood.

The resulting sludge flowed into Attabad Lake—a lake formed in 2010 when a massive landslide dammed the Hunza River, submerging Ainabad village and partially submerging Gulmit and Shishkat.

“The sludge engulfed the Luxus Hotel from both sides, cutting off access and trapping tourists and staff,” said Zubair Ahmed Khan, assistant director at the Gilgit-Baltistan Disaster Management Authority for Hunza and Nagar, two high-risk disaster-prone districts of G-B.

He has been provided with an excavator and its operator, but the authority had to seek help from boatmen operating in the lake to rescue about 150 stranded people in time from inside the hotel, he told IPS.

Since the hotel began operating seven years ago, the Burundubar stream has flooded only three times—”twice this year,” informed Khan, adding, “The future remains uncertain.”

The experts already foresee the situation worsening.

“As the climate changes, the frequency and intensity of floods in Burundubar have increased, leading to the accumulation of debris in the flood path. This has significantly raised the risk to surrounding infrastructure,” said Shazia Parveen, an environmentalist from Hunza.

Google Earth photos of Luxus Hunza Attabad Lake Resort over time.

She warned that the area, being in a high-risk flood zone, risks losing existing infrastructure and must be declared an Ecologically Sensitive and Critical Area (ESCA) under Gilgit-Baltistan’s 2023 rules.

A post-flood assessment report commissioned by the G-B government concluded that the Burundubar stream posed a “recurring risk of high-intensity flooding endangering the hotel structure, staff, and tourists”.

Vaqar Zakaria, head of the Islamabad-based environmental consulting firm Hagler Bailley Pakistan, said floodplain management laws exist but are rarely enforced.

“Our response is always reactive — panic after the damage, but never a plan to prevent it,” he said. While acknowledging worsening climate impacts, he argued that “90% of the damage is avoidable with proper planning and regulation”. This failure, he added, is why international donors often ignore Pakistan’s climate pleas: “We never admit to poor planning or the blatant disregard of our own laws.”

The consequences of such neglect are visible.

“The Luxus hotel sits in a flood path—it should never have been built,” said local activist Jameel Hunzographer, blaming the government. “The lake was once so clean you could drink from it—no longer.”

But not everyone shares his concern.

“It [the hotel] may be submerged,” admitted 60-year-old Dervaish Ali, “but it will never collapse.” Once a farmer from Ainabad, whose 16-acre orchard was swallowed by Attabad Lake, Ali later turned to construction—and was contracted to build the Luxus hotel. In 2017, he sold — 0.62 acres to the hotel’s owner and used the proceeds to build a home 25 km away, safely outside the hazard zone.

Firmly distancing himself from any blame, he said, “When I sold the land to the owner, he was fully aware of its precarious location, and I was not the only one; several others sold their land too, in the same area.” He acknowledged, however, that the increasing intensity of flash floods—driven by climate change—destroyed the 300 poplar trees he planted near the hotel, on his leftover land, just two years ago.

“Every last one gone,” he said quietly.

Yet, for many activists, this damage is part of a larger pattern of reckless development.

“These flash floods and disasters are of our own making,” said Baba Jan, 48, president of the Gilgit-Baltistan chapter of the left-wing Awami Workers Party. “We’ve turned the region into a concrete jungle and call it development.”

Jailed for ten years in 2011, he had protested “carving mountains, dumping waste into waterways, altering stream courses, and polluting our air—all in the name of tourism.”

Hunzographer also flagged the alarming rise in tree-cutting—clearing land for construction and chopping wood for fuel, due to the lack of electricity and gas.

Opened in 2019 on the shores of Attabad Lake, the Luxus hotel has recently come under sharp criticism from locals—not only for its unsustainable practices and careless approach to hospitality but also for its controversial location. Still, many residents were unwilling to speak on record, fearing reprisals from the hotel’s politically well-connected and influential owners.

President of the Sustainable Tourism Foundation, Aftab Rana, expressed disappointment with the Luxus and other hotels along the Attabad Lake, saying they had the potential to set a “benchmark for sustainable luxury” in the region. Instead, they have become a “symbol of environmentally damaging development”, placing both guests and staff directly in the path of climate-related hazards. He blamed the Environmental Protection Authority for failing to manage the lake’s tourism-related environmental impact.

He has a point. If not for a viral video last month by British vlogger George Buckley exposing the Luxus Hotel’s violations, the G-B government might have stayed asleep. But after the video gained traction, authorities acted—partially sealing the hotel and fining it for allegedly dumping wastewater into the lake, a charge the resort publicly denied. Yet, it paid the fine, effectively admitting guilt despite its claims. A post-flood assessment also cites the hotel’s repeated disregard for environmental warnings, confirming violations of environmental laws.

The G-B EPA has recommended a five-year ban on hotel construction and/or expansion in various parts of G-B, including Attabad, citing unregulated development and lack of wastewater treatment, which is harming public health and the ecosystem.

In addition, the deputy commissioner (the administrative head) of Hunza has taken an unconventional step – exercising the powers conferred on him under the law “in the interest of environmental protection, public health, ecological preservation, and sustainable tourism” has put a complete stop to “new construction or extension of any kind” by suspending issuance of no objection certificates in parts of Hunza, including the Attabad area.

However, the environmental damage extends beyond construction alone.

The constant roar of diesel generators from hotels and restaurants, the smoke-belching vehicles, motorised boats churning toxic fumes into the lake’s air, and the rising dust and noise from throngs of tourists—combined with heaps of plastic waste—are fuelling a growing love-hate relationship between locals and visitors.

“We’re exhausted by tourists, but we depend on them,” said 33-year-old Nur Baig, who runs a co-working space in Hunza. Tourism in Hunza surged after photos of the newly formed Attabad Lake went viral, but the government failed to plan for the influx. For instance, he points out that there are no footpaths, and speeding SUVs now threaten pedestrians, especially children, on the narrow streets.

“We either need a different breed of tourists, who are more respectful of nature and us, or we need to put a stop to tourism,” said Hunzographer.

But there is a deeper shift within the community itself, where economic pressures and changing aspirations have left local people struggling to maintain both their traditions and control over their land.

“The younger, educated generation has turned away from subsistence farming, with the more enterprising moving to urban centres for better livelihood opportunities,” admitted Baig, adding, “Those who stay have ideas but little capital, so outsiders come, cash in, and take our peace with them.”

But not all hope is lost. Amid these changes, some see a path forward—one where tourism benefits locals without costing them their way of life.

A local NGO, Karakoram Area Development Organisation (KADO), for instance, is pushing hotels to swap single-use plastic for reusable fabric bags—and selling them too.

“We carried out a study and found that although there was enough awareness about plastic waste among the locals, the waste jumped to 67 percent in peak tourist season in Hunza,” said Abbas Ali, who heads KADO.

“We’re doing our part,” he added, “But tourists must realise our waste systems are limited—this plastic ends up in our water. They need to share responsibility.”

Rana also believed luxury and sustainability can coexist. With young travellers demanding greener options while their stay is comfortable, governments across the globe are stepping up with stricter rules on energy, emissions, and waste.

In Pakistan, though, he said, “Customer pressure may be growing, but enforcement remains missing.” If hoteliers saw green practices as smart business, he said, they would realise measures like water-saving fixtures, dual-flush toilets, rainwater harvesting, energy-efficient lighting and more can cut costs significantly.

For its part, Rana’s STFP has developed sustainable mountain architecture guidelines, and the government’s Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation has come up with a hefty document on national minimum standards and guidelines for the tourism and hotel industry and shared it with different provincial governments.

“But neither the tourists nor the hotel industries are really interested in adopting standardised green certifications due to a lack of necessary enforcement by the concerned provincial government departments,” he lamented.

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President Ramaphosa's special envoy has reportedly been rejected by the US, in the latest sign of frosty relations.

Malaysia is Chair of ASEAN for 2025.

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 16 2025 (IPS)

The US is apparently contemplating the possible creation—either a formal or an informal– security alliance in the Asia-Pacific region on the lines of the longstanding collective defense pact, the 32-member North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

If the proposal materializes, the new alliance is expected to include Japan, South Korea, Australia, plus, the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), comprising Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam, among others.

The New York Times last month quoted US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth as saying: ”No one should doubt America’s commitment to our Indo-Pacific allies and partners. We will continue to wrap our arms around our friends and find new ways to work together”.

He said Indo-Pacific is a “region where the United States favours continuity in security alliances more than disruption”.

Ely Ratner, a former US assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security issues, has suggested. in an article in Foreign Affairs, that the US and its allies in Asia should form a collective defense pact, similar to NATO.

The proposed new alliance is primarily meant to be a protective shield against the two nuclear armed countries in the region: China and North Korea.

Of the world’s nine nuclear powers, the only region with four nuclear-armed countries is Asia: India, China, Pakistan and North Korea—the others outside Asia include the US, UK, France, Russia and Israel.

Meanwhile, AUKUS, a trilateral security partnership linking Australia, the UK and the United States, is aimed at “promoting a free and open Indo-Pacific that is secure and stable”

Hegseth’s visit to the region was followed by a visit from another senior US official, Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

Addressing a press conference in Kuala Lumpur on July 10, Rubio said: “You know my very first meeting – I don’t know if you know this, but when I was sworn-in. I went to the State Department, I gave a speech on the steps, and then my first meeting right out of the box was with Japan, South Korea, and India”.

“And we’ve repeated that meeting numerous times since then with that group. We have a running internal joke with my counterpart from Japan: I have literally now seen him about 8 to 12 times, and our joke is that we see each other more than we see our own families,” he said.

Tammy Bruce State Department Spokesperson told reporters July 10 that Rubio was in Kuala Lumpur for the ASEAN-related foreign ministers’ meetings and bilateral engagements, reaffirming the United States commitment – our enduring commitment, “If I may add – to a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific”.

Rubio participated in the ASEAN-U.S. Post-Ministerial Conference and held meetings with Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar and counterparts from Malaysia, Russia, Japan, and the Philippines. The Indo-Pacific region accounts for two thirds of global growth and remains a central focus of U.S. foreign policy, he said.

Rubio also signed a nuclear cooperation Memorandum of Understanding with Malaysia, advancing civil nuclear energy collaboration under the highest standards of safety, security, and nonproliferation.

Negotiations towards a 123 Agreement are underway. And once finalized, it would permit the transfer of nuclear material and equipment for peaceful purposes, further deepening bilateral energy, security, and economic ties.

Section 123 of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act generally requires the conclusion of a peaceful nuclear cooperation agreement for significant transfers of nuclear material or equipment from the United States.

Moreover, such agreements, commonly referred to as “123 Agreements,” facilitate cooperation in other areas, such as technical exchanges, scientific research, and safeguards discussions, according to the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA}

In conjunction with other nonproliferation tools, particularly the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), 123 Agreements help to advance U.S. nonproliferation principles. They establish the legal framework for significant nuclear cooperation with other countries.

In order for a partner to enter into a 123 Agreement with the United States, that partner must adhere to a set of strong nonproliferation requirements. The U.S. State Department is responsible for negotiating 123 Agreements, with the technical assistance and concurrence of DOE/NNSA and in consultation with the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission.

According to the US Department of Energy, about 25 countries currently have 123 agreements in force.

But there is also a more militaristic perspective to the proposed security alliance.

Dr M.V. Ramana, Professor and Simons Chair in Disarmament, Global and Human Security, School of Public Policy and Global Affairs and Graduate Program Director, MPPGA at University of British Columbia, Vancouver, told IPS if it is created, this new forum will add to the already growing trend of militarization, which will increase the risk of war, especially with China, and divert money from other urgent priorities such as dealing with climate change.

“And, should it be set up, the U.S. government will try to make its members buy more expensive and destructive weapons from U.S. arms manufacturers, which will strengthen their political power over policy making in the United States, and in turn will make the social landscape in the United States even worse,” said Dr Ramana.

Stressing the growing new relationships in the region, Rubio told reporters: “And so, these engagements are very important to us. And we’re going to continue to stay very committed, because this – as I said to all of our partners, this notion or idea that the United States would ever be distracted by the Indo-Pacific or even Southeast Asia is impossible.”

“You can’t be – maybe it doesn’t always – wars get more attention, but it’s impossible to not be focused. This is where much of the story of the 21st century is going to be written. This is where two thirds of economic growth is going to happen over the next 25 or 30 years.”

And many of the countries of Southeast Asia – not only are they some of the youngest countries in the world, but they’re about to see an enormous expansion of their labor markets, their labor pool, number of workers, he said.

“This is a historic, once-in-a-generation opportunity not just for these countries to revolutionize themselves from an economic standpoint, but further strengthen our relationship. We have over 6,000 American companies that have invested heavily in these economies over the last 20 or 30 years. These are – we’re not abandoning those relationships. On the contrary, we want to strengthen and build upon them.”

Dr Palitha Kohona, a former Chief of the UN Treaty Section, and until recently, Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to China, told IPS China is nuclear armed but has a no-first-use policy. Nuclear armed North Korea has a policy centred on deterring attacks. In the circumstances to promote a NATO type arrangement in East and South East Asia as a deterrent would seem excessive.

China, he pointed out, has only one base outside mainland China (in Djibouti). North Korea has none. China nor North Koea have no military personnel outside their own territories. The US has thousands of military personnel in bases surrounding China. The US pivot to Asia had China in its cross hairs.

The best way to reduce real and imaginary tensions (some stoked intentionally), he pointed out, would be to encourage parties to enter into dialogue with each other. The world needs peace, not conflict, for human progress.

“We require alliances that promote infrastructure development for developing countries, that address the threat of climate change, which strive to eliminate extreme poverty, and which will make the world a better place. In the past, US military incursions in the region did not produce peace.”

On the contrary, the progress of countries was dramatically curtailed, thousands of combatants and civilians died and millions were maimed, declared Dr Kohona.

Stressing the strong relationship between the US and Japan, Rubio said: “We obviously have very strong commitments and an alliance with Japan. We continue to cooperate very closely with them. As I speak to you now, there are active exercises going on between the United States and Japan.”

So. our relationship with them will continue to exist.

“The idea that somehow Japan would be able to develop domestic – their own capabilities for mutual self-defense is not only something that we find offensive, it’s something we’d be supportive of, obviously within the confines of their constitutional system. But they have some limitations on what they can do. But the idea that Japan’s military would become more capable is not something we would be offended by; it’s something we would actually be encouraged by”.

This article is brought to you by IPS NORAM, in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International, in consultative status with the UN’s Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC).

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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• FEATURED TRANSLATION – HINDI

The chance of dying during the first year of life in the least developed countries is ten times higher than in the more developed countries. Credit: Franz Chávez/IPS

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, Jul 16 2025 (IPS)

To be, or not to be, an undocumented migrant, that is the question for millions of men, women and children in many less developed countries. “Whether ‘tis nobler in the mind to suffer the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune, or to take arms against a sea of troubles and by opposing end them” for a better life as an undocumented migrant in a foreign land.

In many less developed countries, especially the least developed, millions of men, women and children live an onerous existence, enduring the pain and hardships of their daily lives.

Unfortunately, many people in these areas experience high levels of poverty, unemployment, low wages, violence, crime, persecution, political instability, armed conflict, lack of health care, limited education opportunities, and, increasingly, the effects of climate change.

The fundamental choice for many millions of men and women in less developed countries is between staying in their homelands and enduring a difficult life or migrating to become an undocumented migrant with a chance for a more promising future in a foreign land

Most of these individuals prefer to stay in their homelands with their families and friends, but they see little hope for personal improvement in their lifetimes.

Pessimistic views on social, economic and political progress in less developed countries are reinforced by the lack of advancement in development initiatives and cuts in foreign aid programs.

For instance, the international community adopted 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015 to bring about transformative change by 2030. Current reports indicate that most of the SDGs are off track with progress on many key indicators stalled or even reversed in recent years. Some major donor countries have also reduced or discontinued their development assistance programs and humanitarian aid.

In stark contrast to conditions in many less developed countries, people in more developed countries are seen as living in a comparative paradise. Men, women and children in these populations enjoy peace, security, political stability, wealth, employment, abundance, housing, educational opportunities, public services, health care, lower mortality rates and longer life spans.

Although in 2025, the populations of the least developed countries and the more developed countries are about the same size, 1.2 and 1.3 billion, respectively, their demographic circumstances differ considerably.

For example, the chance of dying during the first year of life in the least developed countries is ten times higher than in the more developed countries. In 2025, the infant mortality rate in the more developed countries is 4 deaths per 1,000 births, while in the least developed countries it is nearly 40, with the rate for the less developed countries excluding the least developed falling in between at 24 (Figure 1).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

Life expectancy at birth is significantly higher in more developed countries than in the least developed countries, at 80 and 67 years, respectively. This life expectancy advantage in more developed countries continues into older age groups, reaching 20 and 15 years, respectively, at age 65 years (Table 1).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

With deaths outnumbering births, the annual population growth rate of more developed countries in 2025 rises to about 0.1% due to international migration. Over the coming decades, the population of more developed countries is projected to decline slowly, falling by almost 100 million and ending up slightly below 1.2 billion by the close of the century.

This expected population decline of the more developed countries, however, assumes continuing international migration to those countries over the coming decades. With zero migration, the projected demographic decline of the more developed countries is considerably greater, with their population decreasing to about 830 million by 2100 (Figure 2).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

In stark contrast, the population of least developed countries is growing relatively rapidly, with an annual growth rate of 2.3%, which is about 30 times greater than the growth rate of more developed countries. Their current population of 1.2 billion is projected to double to 2.4 billion in approximately 40 years and reach 3.1 billion by the end of the 21st century, nearly a third of the world’s population.

The population of less developed countries excluding the least developed is projected to increase from its current level of 5.7 billion to a peak of 6.5 billion around midcentury. It is then expected to decline, reaching 6 billion in 2100, approximately 58 percent of the world’s population.

The population of more developed countries is substantially older than that of the least developed countries and other less developed countries. In 2025, about 20% of the population in more developed countries was aged 65 years or older, compared to 4% in the least developed countries.

This difference in age structures is expected to continue in the coming decades. By the close of the 21st century, nearly one-third of the population of more developed countries is projected to be aged 65 years or older, compared to about 15% for the least developed countries (Figure 3).

 

Source: United Nations.

 

In addition to the millions of men and women in less developed countries living under challenging social, economic and political conditions, by the end of 2024, approximately 123 million people worldwide had been forced to flee their homes due to persecution, conflict, human rights violations, and severe public disorder.

Among those displaced from their homes were about 43 million refugees and close to 5 million stateless people. These individuals have been denied nationality and lack access to employment, health care, education and freedom of movement.

The numbers of people displaced by climate change have also been increasing in recent years. It is estimated that more than 200 million people could be forcibly displaced by extreme weather and environmental disasters by 2050.

Given the challenging living conditions faced by many around the world, it is not surprising that approximately 16% of the world’s population, or 1.3 billion people, desire to leave their country.

These desires have become a reality for many men and women who have sought a better life as undocumented migrants in other countries. Of the approximately 305 million immigrants in the world in 2025, perhaps a quarter of them, about 75 million are estimated to be undocumented.

Millions of men and women desire to emigrate to another country, while many people living in wealthy destination countries believe fewer or no immigrants should be allowed in. For many countries, this sentiment towards immigrants is at odds with their historical heritage.

In the United States, for example, the anti-immigrant sentiment contradicts the words inscribed at the base of the Statue of Liberty. A well-known part of the inscription states, “Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!”

While attempting to limit immigration numbers, especially undocumented migrants, these countries are also facing population decline, labor force shortages, and demographic ageing.

In the recent past, many countries in various regions have addressed undocumented migrants living in their territory by providing legal status or granting amnesty to those who met certain requirements.

In 2024, Spain granted legal status to hundreds of thousands of undocumented migrants. This amnesty was partly driven by Spain’s labor force shortages and the ageing of its population.

About a decade ago, Germany decided not to close its borders to refugees and accepted over 1.2 million refugees and asylum seekers, particularly those fleeing Syria’s civil war. Today, a significant proportion of those refugees and asylum seekers are employed in Germany’s workforce.

In 1986, the United States enacted an amnesty program that granted legal status to certain undocumented immigrants who had lived in the United States before January 1, 1982. This program legalized approximately 2.7 million immigrants, once again adding many workers to the country’s labor force.

In conclusion, the fundamental choice for many millions of men and women in less developed countries is between staying in their homelands and enduring a difficult life or migrating to become an undocumented migrant with a chance for a more promising future in a foreign land.

For those living comfortably in today’s wealthy developed countries, “Imagine that you see the wretched strangers, Their babies at their backs and poor luggage, Plodding to the ports and coasts for transportation, And that you sit as kings in your desires, Authority quite silent by your brawl, And you in ruff of your opinions clothed, How order should be quelled, As but to banish you, whither would you go? What country, by the nature of your error, should give you harbor?”.

Throughout much of human history, as documented and evident in countries worldwide, people have migrated to foreign lands in search of a better future. Today, many men, women and children are choosing, often reluctantly and with considerable trepidation and risks, to become undocumented migrants for this opportunity.

 

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications on population issues, including his recent book, “Population Levels, Trends, and Differentials”.

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