Africa

The international community must take action to address the CO2 emissions of the carbon aristocracy as climate change analysis makes it clear that there is no alternative. Credit: Bigstock

By Philippe Benoit
WASHINGTON DC, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

For centuries, innumerable countries were ruled by an entrenched, typically inherited, political class: the “aristocracy.” The term comes from the Ancient Greek words “aristos”, meaning best, and “kratia,” meaning power. As a result of long and hard-fought democratic struggles, these aristocracies have largely dwindled worldwide (albeit, not everywhere).

Today, we are seeing the emergence of a new aristocracy in another arena: the millionaires whose consumption privileges produce per capita CO2 emissions incompatible with global climate goals. Like the aristocrats of the past, they are spread around the world. Meeting global emissions goals will require addressing the privileges of these worldwide wealthy big emitters, what can be called the “carbon aristocrats.”

According to Oxfam, the world’s richest 1% are responsible for 15% of global emissions. [By comparison, the world’s poorest 50% produce 8% of global emissions.] This class is mostly made up of millionaires, who now total nearly 60 million globally and are projected to grow in number to over 65 million by 2028 (according to the UBS Wealth Report).

According to Oxfam, the world’s richest 1% are responsible for 15% of global emissions. [By comparison, the world’s poorest 50% produce 8% of global emissions.] This class is mostly made up of millionaires, who now total nearly 60 million globally and are projected to grow in number to over 65 million by 2028

The United States has the most with 22 million, followed by China at nearly 7 million. Significantly, about 34% of the world’s millionaires live outside the U.S. and Western Europe, including not only China, but also South-East Asia, the Middle East and Latin America. In fact, 10 of the 15 countries with the projected fastest growth in millionaires are emerging economies. Millionaires have increasingly become a worldwide phenomenon.

The aristocrats of the past were united by many common behaviors. From the Channel to Moscow, they often spoke French better than their own country’s native tongue. Their children were frequently sent abroad to elite boarding schools in Switzerland and the United Kingdom. They vacationed together on the Cote d’Azur.

Similarly, the carbon aristocrats of today are united by what they have in common notwithstanding differing nationalities, namely a shared extravagant lifestyle and a corresponding sense of entitlement to emit large amounts of CO2. From private planes to superyachts to multiple mansions, this class of emitters shares consumption patterns that are the reserved domain of the privileged wealthy.

The unsurprising result is an inordinately high per capita level of CO2 emissions. If all these carbon aristocrats were to gather in their own exclusive nation, it would constitute the second highest CO2 emitting country in the world, behind only China with its 1.4 billion people and more than the United States with its 335 million.

Significantly, climate operates differently than economics. While the rich and their capital can generate income for the middle-class, workers and even the poor, climate is more akin to a type of zero-sum game.

The more carbon that the wealthy emit, the less carbon there is available for others consistent with limiting climate change. Like political power which was hoarded by the aristocrats of the past to the detriment of others, the carbon budget is currently being grabbed by this carbon-entitled aristocracy.

In response, I, like others, have advocated for a carbon tax targeting luxury-consumption related emissions — perhaps better termed a “carbon extravagance tax” to reflect the fundamentally gratuitous character of emissions from superyachts and similar activities in contrast to those generated by essential needs such as producing food and heating homes.

This analysis builds on the seminal work of Professor Henry Shue who back in 1992 argued for differentiating between emissions from vital subsistence activities and discretionary luxury ones.

The world has changed a great deal since then. Not only have emissions climbed dramatically over the past 30 years, there are also a lot more millionaires with high per capita emissions.

As the number of these millionaires continues to grow year upon year, including notably in the emerging economies of the Global South, it has become evident that, more than a country-based or even OECD-oriented measure, what is required is an effort targeting carbon-entitled aristocrats worldwide.

Notably, some form of internationally coordinated carbon extravagance taxes, regulations and more is needed given the cross-border mobility of the carbon-entitled aristocrats with their planes, superyachts and multiple mansions.

But the opposition to these types of measures will surely be formidable as these modern carbon aristocrats, like the aristocrats of the past, look to hold on to their privilege … in this case to emit large amounts of CO2. It’s a resistance potentially uniting the very rich and powerful of the United States with the governing elites of China, Saudi Arabia, Russia, India and elsewhere in an anti-regulatory effort.

Unfortunately, given current emissions trends, there isn’t the time to wait for voluntary action on their part. Rather, the challenge is to change the emissions patterns and, perhaps most importantly, the carbon-entitled mindset of these aristocrats.

The international community needs to consider initiatives and measures to tackle these CO2 emissions of the carbon aristocracy because the climate change analysis indicates there is no other choice.

Philippe Benoit is Managing Director at Global Infrastructure Advisory Services 2050 (www.gias2050.com) and publishes extensively on international energy and climate change issues.

13-year-old Fiyha Al Tayeb Nasser a child rights activist and president of the girls' or Saleema club speaks to mothers and caregivers at Aljabalin hospital about the dangers of early marriage and female genital mutilation. Credit: UNICEF

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

February 6 is the International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). A practice deemed a gross violation of human rights, tragically the practice persists across multiple countries in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. Over 230 million women and girls alive today have been subjected to this gruesome practice, and experts warn that at least 27 million more could endure this by 2030.

This year’s theme: “Stepping up the pace: Strengthening alliances and building movements to end female genital mutilation,” spotlights that collective action from multiple groups and stakeholders is paramount. Both UNICEF and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) call the joint efforts of survivors, advocates, women and girls, men and boys, community leaders, governments, the private sector, and donors, to address the issue.

The efforts of survivors, activists and grassroots movements must be upheld and unimpeded, with leaders and communities making sure to respect. To that end, investing in these groups is key to scaling up effective interventions and producing results, which governments, donors and the private sector should pledge to commit to.

Through the UNICEF-UNFPA Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, nearly 7 million girls and women received prevention and protective services related to FGM. So far, 20,000 grassroots organizations have been integrated into networks working towards ending FGM. The programme has been implemented in 18 countries, including Burkina Faso, The Gambia, Egypt, Nigeria, Sudan, and Indonesia.

In a joint statement, the heads of UNFPA, UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO) reaffirm their commitment to work together to tackle the issue and abolish FGM once and for all. The organizations acknowledge that significant progress has been made in raising awareness and building up public consensus against FGM, noting the decline in countries like Kenya and Uganda. This has been achieved through the strength of multi-sectoral partnerships and social change.

“Yet the fragility of progress made has also become starkly evident,” the statement reads. “In the Gambia, for example, attempts to repeal the ban on female genital mutilation persist, even after an initial proposal to do so was rejected by its parliament last year. Such efforts could gravely undermine the rights, health, and dignity of future generations of girls and women, jeopardizing the tireless work over decades to change attitudes and mobilize communities.”

The Gambia made international news last year when attempts were made to repeal the amendment in the Women’s (Amendment) Act 2011 which criminalizes FGM. Although the repeal was successfully prevented, this signaled that women’s rights still faced challenges, especially in a country where 73 percent of girls aged 15-19 have undergone FGM.

For their part, UNICEF, UNFPA and civil society partners in Gambia launched a campaign that brought the voices of survivors to the forefront to challenge this repeal.

UNICEF’s Gambia Representative Nafisa Binta Shafique told IPS that since this challenge, they has been working closely with government partners including the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Welfare to develop a revised FGM National Strategy and Action Plan, which will be “grounded in amplifying women’s leadership and engaging with men, boys and religious leaders in the country’s effort to end FGM”.

“Every child, every girl and women, has the right to be protected,” Shafique said. “Together, we are working to break down social barriers and taboos to ensure transformative and sustainable change that protects every woman and girl.”

UNICEF, UNFPA, and WHO are also calling for greater accountability “at all levels” to ensure countries uphold their commitment to human rights and invest in the implementation of strategies that protect girls at risk and ensure justice for survivors.

Accountability should be directed at governments and community leaders who do not push for the ban of FGM and do not challenge its pervasiveness. Accountability should also be directed to the medical practitioners that administer FGM in these countries, as recent evidence shows at 66 percent of girls received it at the hands of a doctor or a nurse. These health personnel should be held accountable for administering a practice that has proven to be detrimental to women and girls’ overall health and has resulted in physical and psychological trauma.

The current rate of decline has to increase drastically in order to meet the Sustainable Development Goal of ending FGM by or before 2030. Seven out of the 31 countries with national data are on track to meet this goal. UNICEF projects that the rate of decline has to be 27 times faster in order for these countries to meet that goal on time.

International intergovernmental organizations like UNFPA and UNCIEF have the resources to provide safe reproductive health practices for women and girls and to promote these messages on bigger platforms. The work of civil society and grassroots organizations are the bedrock to build up support and raise awareness within local communities.

Frontline Women’s Fund, a nonprofit that promotes women’s rights and protections through building connections between frontline women’s groups and donors, is one such group which has made FGM one of its key issues. Through a dedicated fund, the Efua Dorkenoo Fund to End Female Genital Mutilation, the group provides direct funding and visibility to civil society groups that deal with this issue. Among its grantees is the Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), who were active in protecting the FGM ban last year alongside other women- and youth-led civil society groups, and have continued their work building awareness for reproductive health rights.

The fund’s director, Jarai Sabally said that Frontline Women’s Fund work to support and amplify the voices of activists, survivors and grassroots leaders who are in the best positions to ensure real change by calling for abolishing FGM in their own communities.

“Ending female genital mutilation is not just about eliminating a harmful traditional practice—it is about reclaiming bodily autonomy, dignity, and justice for women and girls,” said Sabally. “The urgency of this issue is only heightened by a rising global trend of patriarchal conservatism, ushering in new legal challenges to women’s and girls’ civil rights.”

“As we commemorate Zero Tolerance Day, we must recognize that women’s bodies are not symbols for patriarchal nationalism to control. The fight to end FGM is part of the larger struggle for human rights—dismantling systems that seek to define women’s and girls’ worth through violence and subjugation.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Philip Pariyo had represented his country at the 2014 Commonwealths in Glasgow before disappearing.

Philip Pariyo had represented his country at the 2014 Commonwealths in Glasgow before disappearing.

Johannesburg is known as a dangerous city, but some people are working to change that reputation.

Johannesburg is known as a dangerous city, but some people are working to change that reputation.

Two weeks after Goma was captured by the Rwandan-backed M23 rebels, many families who lost their loved ones are begging for peace. Some of them have had no news of their loved ones, while others have already identified their relatives, civilians and soldiers, who died during the fighting in the city.

President Lazarus Chakwera says the withdrawal will pave the way for peace negotiations.

President Lazarus Chakwera says the withdrawal will pave the way for peace negotiations.

Credit: UNICEF

By Attiya Waris and Ben Phillips
NAIROBI / BANGKOK, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

Why can’t there be education for every child? Why can’t there be healthcare for everyone who needs it? Why can’t everyone be freed from hunger and deprivation? Though these are promised to all as rights, people are repeatedly told that there is no money.

The wonderful news is that this is false: there is money, we know where it is going missing, we know how to get hold of it, and this year brings vital new opportunities for progress.

Across the world, US$492 billion is lost to tax abuse by the rich and powerful a year: two-thirds, US$347.6 billion, is lost to multinational corporations shifting profit offshore to underpay tax; one-third, US$144.8 billion, is lost to wealthy individuals hiding their wealth offshore.

This revelation, set out in the latest State of Tax Justice report, is shocking and appalling. But it can and should also be recognised as cause for hope: we have a world to win.

Taxation is technical and complex, and this technical complexity is often weaponised to claim that any policies to raise revenues from the wealthy won’t work. But expert economic analysis that the G20 has commissioned shows that wealth taxes would be effective in unlocking vital resources to tackle poverty and fulfil the Sustainable Development Goals.

Indeed, some countries are already taking action to do this. Spain has successfully introduced a wealth tax on the richest 0.5%. Calculations by the Tax Justice Network have demonstrated that the world could raise US $2.1 trillion by copying Spain’s example.

Likewise, the policy framework required to prevent profit shifting by multinational enterprises is known – a combination that needs to include them having to register who owns them, having to report on the tax they paid in each country they operate in, and having to pay tax in the places where they generate profit.

The major challenge then is ultimately less technical and more political. But even for this political challenge, a path through can be seen.

This year, countries finally begin negotiations on a United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, which will include “commitments on equitable taxation of multinational enterprises [and] addressing tax evasion and avoidance by high-net worth individuals and ensuring their effective taxation.”

This year, too, momentum will be further boosted by the International Conference on Financing for Development, hosted 30th June to 3rd July by Spain, the draft outcome document of which includes commitments to ensuring that “profit shifting” by multinational enterprises is tackled so that they “pay taxes to the countries where economic activity occurs and value is created”, and to “strengthening the taxation of high-net-worth Individuals.”

Taxing the wealthy has been shown to be hugely popular across countries. And civil society campaigning is picking up pace. Building on the wave of mobiisation for tax justice worldwide, over forty organisations from across the world have united a joint campaign to “tax the super-rich”.

Their common platform calls for:

• Implementing ambitious tax rates on the richest people that are high enough to reduce inequality
• Using revenues raised to invest ending poverty, reducing inequality, and tackling the world’s most pressing social and environmental issues
• Ensuring global cooperation to curb illicit financial flows that allow the super-rich to evade tax responsibility
• Shifting decision-making on taxation to a fair and globally inclusive forum, ensuring that all countries – particularly poorer ones – have an equal voice

For too long it has been normalised that whilst international law and national constitutions promise people inalienable rights, the resourcing needed to realise those rights is denied. But what does it mean for a child to be promised a notional right to an education if there is no school nearby, if fees prevent her attending, if there are not enough teachers, or if the conditions of the school make learning impossible?

What does it mean for a person to be promised a notional right to health if health centres are not staffed with enough nurses and doctors – and medicines? Fiscal policy is the instrument that makes the promise of rights a lived reality.

The extent of resources that can be deployed, and the measures that can secure those resources, are not mysteries, they are political choices.

Securing the resources needed to deliver on rights will not be easy. The concentration of wealth has also brought a concentration of power. But that is another reason why taxing the super-rich in each country across the world is vital: it won’t only raise essential revenue to provide essential services and prevent the most vulnerable from slipping deeper into poverty; it will also help restore democracy.

Attiya Waris is Professor of Fiscal Law at the University of Nairobi and UN Independent Expert on foreign debt, other international financial obligations, and human rights.

Ben Phillips is the author of “How to Fight Inequality”.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Coly Seck (at microphone), Chair of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and Permanent Representative of the Republic of Senegal to the United Nations, briefs reporters with Members of the newly-elected Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP Bureau). At fourth from right is Riyad Mansour, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations. Credit: UN Photo: Manuel Elías

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

A new executive order from the United States White House calls for withdrawing support from major UN entities and a review of all international intergovernmental organizations which the United States is a member of. The U.S.’s orders against the UN Palestine Refugee Agency also do not bode well for ongoing ceasefire negotiations in Gaza.

President Donald Trumps comments that the “US will take over the Gaza Strip and we will do a job with it, too. We’ll own it,” have also been widely criticized.

On Tuesday, the White House issued an executive order, where they announced that they will pull out from the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) effective immediately and called for a review of its membership in UN and other intergovernmental organizations. The executive order singles out other UN entities that needed “further scrutiny”—the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA); and the UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The executive order suspended all funding to these organizations.

The executive order also cites that UNESCO has failed to address “mounting arrears” and reform, also noting that it has demonstrated anti-Israeli sentiments over the last decade. A review of the U.S.’s membership in UNESCO would assess whether it supports the country’s interests, and would include an analysis of anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli sentiment within the organization.

The United States announced that no funds or grants would go towards the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), citing corruption within the organization and the infiltration of terrorist groups such as Hamas.

UN Secretary-General Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric told reporters on Tuesday that in light of the United States’ decision, this would not change the UN’s “commitment to supporting UNRWA in its work”, or the HRC’s importance as a part of the “overall human rights architecture within the United Nations”.

“It has been clear for us that U.S. support for the United Nations has saved countless lives and global security,” said Dujarric. “The Secretary-General is looking forward to speaking with President (Donald) Trump, he looks forward to continuing what was a very, I think, frank and productive relationship during the first term. He looks to strengthening the relationship in the turbulent times that we live in.”

On Wednesday the newly-elected chair of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, Ambassador Coly Seck, Permanent Representative of Senegal, told a told a press conference that it condemned the ban by Israel on UNWRA .

“We strongly condemn Israel’s ban UNWRA which obstructs vital humanitarian cooperation in direct violation of the UN mandate and General Assembly resolutions in stabilizing the ceasefire and supporting Gaza’s recovery. This ban imposed immediately after the ceasefire, deal will deepen Gaza suffering.”

The suspension of aid funding from the United States is already impacting humanitarian operations across different agencies. Dujarric said that the U.S. had committed 15 million USD to the trust fund, of which 1.7 million has already been spent. This leaves 13.3 million frozen and unusable at this time.

Pio Smith, Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) told reporters in Geneva that they had to suspend the programs funded by US grants, which included funds that were already committed to the agency. Smith warned that the lack of funding would impact programs in places such as Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Worldwide, more than half of UNFPA’s facilities, 596 out of 982, would be impacted by this funding pause.

Vivian van de Perre, the Deputy Head of its UN Mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, told reporters in New York on Wednesday that the recent pause in funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has forced humanitarian partners on the ground to suspend their work. “…Many of the partners, including IOM (the International Organization for Migration), which is a key partner for us, need to stop their work due to the USAID stop-work order,” she said.

The executive order, along with Trump’s announcement that the U.S. would move into and claim Gaza cast a shadow of doubt over ongoing ceasefire negotiations.

UN Human Rights Commissioner Volker Türk said that the priority now must be to move to the next phase of the ceasefire, which calls for the release of all hostages and arbitrarily detained prisoners, an end to the war, and the reconstruction of Gaza.

“The suffering of people in the [occupied Palestinian territories] and Israel has been unbearable. Palestinians and Israelis need peace and security, on the basis of full dignity and equality,” Türk said in a statement. “International law is very clear. The right to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international law and must be protected by all States, as the International Court of Justice recently underlined afresh. Any forcible transfer in or deportation of people from occupied territory is strictly prohibited.”

The forcible removal of 2.2 million Palestinians from Gaza that Trump is calling for has been decried and been called a violation of international humanitarian law.

“Any forced displacement of people is tantamount to ethnic cleansing,” said Dujarric when asked about Trump’s remarks. “…In our search for solutions, we must not make the problem worse. Whatever solutions we find need to be rooted in the bedrock of international law.”

Riyad Mansour, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations, briefing reporters after the opening session of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, added his condemnation of Trump’s plan.

Mansour said with regard to the idea of “kicking the Palestinian people out from the Gaza Strip, I just want to tell you that during the last 24 hours, statements from heads of states, of Egypt, of Jordan, of the State of Palestine, of Saudi Arabia and many countries, including countries who spoke in the debate in the room behind us during the meeting of the committee, condemn these efforts.”

He said Trump’s plan has been met with a “global consensus on not allowing forced transfer to take place, ethnic cleansing to take place. We Palestinians love every part of the State of Palestine. We love the Gaza Strip. It is part of our DNA.”

The march of Palestinians from the south to the north of the Gaza Strip following the ceasefire was proof of the people’s committment to rebuild their own homes, Mansour said.

“More than 400,000 of them to go to the rubbles in the northern Gaza in order to start cleaning around their destroyed homes.”

At the White House, Trump’s aids attempted a row back on his comments. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reportedly told journalists that it Trump was proposing to rebuil Gaza, and his press secretary Karoline Leavitt, said “the president has not committed to putting boots on the ground in Gaza.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Johannesburg is known as a dangerous city, but some people are working to change that reputation.

Jean-Victor Harvel Jean-Baptiste, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of Haiti, addresses the Security Council on the current situation in Haiti. Credit: UN Photo/ Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

The humanitarian situation in Haiti continues to deteriorate as armed gangs expand their control in Port-Au-Prince and escalate acts of violence throughout the nation. Due to heightened insecurity, civilian displacement has reached new peaks, with hunger, disease, and the economic crisis having grown worse. With access to basic services diminished, approximately 5.5 million Haitians are dependent on humanitarian aid for survival. However, relief efforts have been severely hampered due to safety risks, restricted mobility and the vast scale of needs.

On January 27, the Viv Ansamn armed gang invaded a neighborhood in Kenscoff, a town that borders Haiti’s capital city, Port-Au-Prince. Viv Ansamn members attacked civilians and set numerous homes ablaze. The eight-day assault resulted in 50 civilian casualties and dozens of additional injuries. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that over 1,660 residents were displaced.

Haitian National Police (HNP) spokesperson Michel-Ange Louis Jeune informed reporters that police forces had managed to apprehend and kill at least 20 gang members so far, and that additional security measures were being taken to ensure accountability and protect the community from reprisals. However, police and government responses were criticized by civilians as many believed that the attacks were preventable.

Earlier this week, intelligence warnings from the Ministries of Interior and Justice received intelligence warnings that reported that there was a strong likelihood of gang violence breaking out in the capital and surrounding areas. Additionally, many civilians reported that plans of the attacks were posted onto social media days in advance.

Haitian Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé confirmed that intelligence personnel, the Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of Justice and Public Security, and the Ministry of the Interior and Local Authorities were all informed of Viv Ansamn’s intention to attack in Kenscoff. Despite this, law enforcement failed to mobilize and respond effectively.

“It was announced on all the social media platforms. On Jan. 23 the Kenscoff police station was aware. On Jan. 25 the mayor’s office issued a curfew notice. The police said they had means and could respond. Today… the gangs have been reinforced in Kafoubèt. They came with ammunition on horseback, they’ve taken a church as their headquarters, and the population is out in the streets, for how long we don’t know. The police have shown that they are powerless,” said Marie Yolène Gilles, a human rights advocate who had been investigating the attacks in Kenscoff.

On February 3, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) issued a situation report in which they detailed the heightened insecurity in the Port-Au-Prince Metropolitan Area (ZMPAP). According to their estimates, ZMPAP remains the epicenter of violence and displacement in Haiti, with armed gangs controlling over 85 percent of the capital city.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) states that approximately 1.2 million children are in need of humanitarian assistance in the area. Gang recruitments of children has soared by over 70 percent in the last year, with roughly 50 percent of all gang members in ZMPAP being children. This rise has been attributed to the absence of protection services and other means of survival for children.

The humanitarian crisis in Haiti has been exacerbated by an escalation of civilian displacements. New figures from the IOM indicate that there have been over 1,041,000 internal civilian displacements, with many having been displaced multiple times. This marks a nearly threefold increase in displacement since 2023, with numbers having doubled in ZMPAP alone.

IOM states that approximately 83 percent of Haitians rely on host communities for shelter and protection. 200,000 Haitians who had fled to neighboring countries were deported back to Haiti last year, further straining the availability of resources in the crowded displacement shelters.

It is estimated that children account for nearly 50 percent of all internally displaced Haitians. According to UNICEF, displaced children are particularly vulnerable to violence, including sexual violence, exploitation, and abuse. UNICEF states that within the past year, instances of sexual violence subjected on children had risen by 1,000 percent.

Disease outbreaks have also run rampant since the start of the gang wars in Haiti. According to UNICEF, unsanitary living conditions in displacement shelters and the onset of famine has resulted in a highly fertile breeding ground for cholera. As of now, there have been at least 88,000 recorded cases of cholera, which disproportionately affects children.

Sustained gang violence has created ripple effects that have damaged multiple sectors of Haiti’s economy. In a report from Mercy Corps titled Impact of Gang Violence on Food Systems in Haiti, Haiti’s agricultural sector has been hit particularly hard. Due to gang violence restricting mobility, seizing farmland, and impeding cargo flights, food production has seen significant losses. This has resulted in a 40 percent rise in inflation and an overall deepening of poverty and hunger.

A report published by the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) in October 2024 predicts that widespread food insecurity will affect Haiti until at least May of this year. According to the Integrated Phase Classification (IPC), the vast majority of the country is set to face “crisis” (IPC Level 3) and “emergency” (IPC Level 4) levels of hunger, which are the two most severe forms.

Additionally, it is estimated that humanitarian food assistance will be ineffective in helping the most vulnerable populations recover from famine. Mercy Corps predicts that approximately 2.0-2.5 million people will not be reached, with coverage falling below 4 percent.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By CIVICUS
Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Amhara region with Hone Mandefro, advocacy director at the Amhara Association of America, and Henok Ashagray, PhD candidate and project officer at the Centre for Human Rights at the University of Pretoria.

Henok Ashagray – Hone Mandefro

Violent clashes continue between Amhara Fano militias and Ethiopian government forces across the Amhara region, with incidents reported in 56 locations. The most affected areas include East Gojjam, North Wollo and South Wollo, with civilian casualties reported in at least 13 locations and airstrikes and drone attacks confirmed in eight. Government forces have conducted widespread arrests and forced conscription campaigns, targeting minors and older people. Meanwhile, in the Oromia region, targeted attacks against Amhara communities have led to deaths, displacement and sexual violence.

What’s the current state of the conflict in Ethiopia’s Amhara region?

The conflict continues to escalate, with widespread violence and heavy clashes across the Amhara region and parts of Oromia. Government forces have intensified their military campaigns and are now using airstrikes and drones , while Fano militias resist fiercely. The fighting is severe and prolonged, with territorial control frequently shifting. While government forces focus on urban areas, Fano militias dominate smaller towns and rural regions, claiming to control over 80 per cent of the Amhara region.

Civilians are bearing the brunt of the violence. Despite limited attention from human rights organisations, sporadic reports have documented alarming abuses, including extrajudicial killings and mass detentions. According to the Amhara Association of America, there were at least 5,052 civilian casualties between August 2023 and December 2024, including 3,935 killed and 1,117 injured by Ethiopian National Defence Forces or allied militias. Drone and airstrikes alone caused 1,076 casualties, including 823 fatalities.

Arbitrary mass arrests and attacks on medical professionals, patients and health facilities are common. The conflict has left over 4.1 million children out of school, with 4,178 schools closed, 300 damaged and 350 rendered non-functional, according to the United Nations (UN) Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. An emerging famine leaves many at risk of starvation unless immediate aid is delivered.

The conflict is also destabilising the Sudan border as civilians try to escape the violence. Refugee flows into Sudan and vice versa are worsening the humanitarian crisis. Cross-border arms smuggling and the movement of fighters further destabilise the region. In September 2024, fighting around the Metemma border forced Ethiopian government forces to retreat into Sudan.

How have relations between Amhara and Oromo communities been affected?

Amhara-Oromo relations have always been tense, and they’ve worsened due to escalating human rights abuses and ethnic cleansing of Amhara people in Oromia since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power. Systematic violence – including mass killings, physical harm and forced evictions – has deepened mistrust. Groups such as the Oromo Liberation Army and regional forces have been implicated in atrocities that some organisations, including the Amhara Association of America, consider to be genocide.

The federal government has been accused of denial, inaction and even active participation in massacres targeting Amhara people. Forced displacement of millions of Amhara civilians from Oromia, orchestrated by state and non-state forces, has left many living in unsafe conditions in makeshift internally displaced persons camps in Amhara cities. While some Amhara people understand that Oromo people as a whole may not support the regime’s actions, the involvement of some Oromo elites and complicity by state forces have widened the divisions between the two communities. Oromo elites, including those in Addis Ababa and abroad, have supported military campaigns on Amhara to consolidate Oromia’s political dominance, further increasing Amhara mistrust.

Genuine reconciliation will require robust transitional justice and accountability mechanisms to address past and ongoing human rights violations, ensure justice for victims and hold perpetrators responsible for their actions. This would lay the foundation for long-term peace and trust between communities.

What roles is civil society playing in peacebuilding?

Religious institutions, community organisations and local media are struggling to play their proper roles in peacebuilding. While traditional reconciliation mechanisms, such as mediation by respected elders and interethnic dialogues, could potentially help rebuild trust between the communities, the current atmosphere of violence and repression enacted by the regime has made these efforts almost impossible.

Religious leaders, who have historically served as trusted mediators in community disputes, have been sidelined, harassed and imprisoned for their perceived neutrality or dissent. Similarly, local elders who play prominent roles in traditional conflict resolution face intimidation and detention. Many community members now view traditional leaders as co-opted by the government, further eroding trust in their ability to act as peacebuilders.

Community organisations essential for amplifying voices advocating for reconciliation have been systematically weakened. Human rights groups and civic organisations face suspensions, disbandment or severe restrictions as part of an ongoing governmental crackdown on civil society.

Independent media could play a critical role in promoting dialogue and holding perpetrators accountable but have been stifled through censorship and threats, with many journalists ending up behind bars. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Ethiopia is one of Africa’s worst jailers of journalists.

Without the contributions of religious institutions, community organisations and local media, the push for accountability and sustainable peace becomes far more challenging. Strengthening and protecting civil society is essential for meaningful reconciliation to happen.

How are international bodies responding to the crisis?

Regional bodies and the UN have largely stayed silent on the Amhara conflict, drawing criticism for their inaction. The African Union has been quiet even as Amhara people are detained near its offices in Addis Ababa. The UN has offered limited acknowledgment of the violence, forced displacements and famine in the region. The recent election of Ethiopia as a member of the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025-2027 term has further dismayed victims of ongoing atrocities.

Lack of accountability for war crimes, including attacks on civilians and destruction of infrastructure, has eroded trust in international institutions. Regional and international bodies must adopt a proactive approach, pressing the regime to end atrocities and facilitate humanitarian aid. Independent investigations by organisations such as the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the UN Human Rights Council could help ensure accountability. Increased humanitarian assistance must prioritise vulnerable groups and address the root causes of the conflict.

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SEE ALSO
Ethiopia: ‘The international community must stop enabling the war on Ethiopia’s Amhara people’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Robel Alemu 04.Oct.2024
Ethiopia: hostile conditions for critics, human rights defenders and journalists CIVICUS Monitor 31.Aug.2024
Horn of Africa: ‘De-escalation must be the primary objective’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Mengistu Assefa 23.Feb.2024

 

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Ending the fentanyl crisis won’t be easy. The U.S. has an addiction problem that spans decades – long predating the rise of fentanyl – and countless attempts to regulate, legislate and incarcerate have done little to reduce drug consumption. Credit: Shutterstock

By External Source
Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

Americans consume more illicit drugs per capita than anyone else in the world; about 6% of the U.S. population uses them regularly.
One such drug, fentanyl – a synthetic opioid that’s 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine – is the leading reason U.S. overdose deaths have surged in recent years. While the rate of fentanyl overdose deaths has dipped a bit recently, it’s still vastly higher than it was just five years ago.

Ending the fentanyl crisis won’t be easy. The U.S. has an addiction problem that spans decades – long predating the rise of fentanyl – and countless attempts to regulate, legislate and incarcerate have done little to reduce drug consumption. Meanwhile, the opioid crisis alone costs Americans tens of billions of dollars each year.

With past policies having failed to curb fentanyl deaths, President Donald Trump is turning to another tool to fight America’s drug problem: trade policy.

During his presidential campaign, Trump pledged to impose tariffs on Canada and Mexico if they didn’t halt the flow of drugs across U.S. borders, and on China if it didn’t do more to crack down on the production of chemicals used to make fentanyl. Trump reiterated his plan on his first day back in office, and on Feb. 1, he made good on that threat, imposing tariffs on all three counties and citing fentanyl as a key reason.

Speaking as a professor who studies social policy, I think both fentanyl and the proposed import taxes represent significant threats to the U.S. While the human toll of fentanyl is undeniable, the real question is whether tariffs will work – or worsen what’s already a crisis.

 

Fentanyl: The ‘single greatest challenge’

In 2021, more than 107,000 Americans died from overdoses – the most ever recorded – and nearly seven out of 10 deaths involved fentanyl or similar synthetic opioids. In 2022, fentanyl was killing an average of 200 people each day. And while fentanyl deaths declined slightly in 2023, nearly 75,000 Americans still died from synthetic opioids that year. In March of that year – the most recent for which full-year data on overdose deaths is available – the then-secretary of homeland security declared fentanyl to be “the single greatest challenge we face as a country.”

But history shows that government efforts to curb drug use often have little success.

The first real attempt to regulate drugs in the U.S. occurred in 1890, when, amid rampant drug abuse, Congress enacted a law taxing morphine and opium. In the years that followed, cocaine use skyrocketed, rising 700% between 1890 and 1902. Cocaine was so popular, it was even found in drinks such as Coca-Cola, from which it got its name.

This was followed by a 1909 act banning the smoking of opium, and, in 1937, the “Marihuana Tax Act.” The most comprehensive package of laws was instituted with the Controlled Substances Act of 1970, which classified drugs into five categories based on their medical uses and potential for abuse or dependence. A year later, then-President Richard Nixon launched the “War on Drugs” and declared drug abuse as “public enemy No. 1.” And in 1986, Congress passed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, directing US$1.7 billion for drug enforcement and control.

 

President Richard Nixon declared drug abuse “Public enemy No. 1” at this 1971 press conference.

 

These policies have generally failed to curb drug supply and use, while also causing significant harm to people and communities of color. For example, between 1980 and 1997, the number of incarcerations for nonviolent drug offenses went from 50,000 to 400,000. But these policies hardly put a dent in consumption. The share of high school seniors using drugs dipped only slightly over the same period, from 65% in 1980 to 58% in 1997.

In short, past U.S. efforts to reduce illegal drug use haven’t been especially effective. Now, it looks like the U.S. is shifting toward using tariffs – but research suggests that those will not lead to better outcomes either, and could actually cause considerable harm.

 

Why tariffs won’t work

America’s experiments with tariffs can be traced back to the founding era with the passage of the Tariff Act of 1789. This long history has shown that tariffs, industrial subsidies and protectionist policies don’t do much to stimulate broad economic growth at home – but they raise prices for consumers and can even lead to global economic instability. History also shows that tariffs don’t work especially well as negotiating tools, failing to effect significant policy changes in target countries. Economists generally agree that the costs of tariffs outweigh the benefits.

Over the course of Trump’s first term, the average effective tariff rate on Chinese imports went from 3% to 11%. But while imports from China fell slightly, the overall trade relationship didn’t change much: China remains the second-largest supplier of goods to the U.S.

The tariffs did have some benefit – for Vietnam and other nearby countries with relatively low labor costs. Essentially, the tariffs on China caused production to shift, with global companies investing billions of dollars in competitor nations.

This isn’t the first time Trump has used trade policy to pressure China on fentanyl – he did so in his first term. But while China made some policy changes in response, such as adding fentanyl to its controlled substances list in 2019, fentanyl deaths in the U.S. continued to rise. Currently, China still ranks as the No. 1 producer of fentanyl precursors, or chemicals used to produce illicit fentanyl. And there are others in the business: India, over that same period, has become a major producer of fentanyl.

 

A question of supply and demand

Drugs have been pervasive throughout U.S. history. And when you investigate this history and look at how other nations are dealing with this problem rather than criminalization, the Swiss and French have approached it as an addiction problem that could be treated. They realized that demand is what fuels the illicit market. And as any economist will tell you, supply will find a way if you don’t limit the demand. That’s why treatment works and bans don’t.

The U.S. government’s ability to control the production of these drugs is limited at best. The problem is that new chemical products will continually be produced. Essentially, failure to restrict demand only places bandages on hemorrhaging wounds. What the U.S. needs is a more systematic approach to deal with the demand that’s fueling the drug crisis.

This article was updated to include details of the tariffs once they were imposed.

Rodney Coates, Professor of Critical Race and Ethnic Studies, Miami University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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