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Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) poses a critical threat to global health, with environmental transmission pathways – pharmaceutical waste, wastewater effluents, agricultural runoff – increasingly recognised as significant yet inadequately governed. Despite international calls for One Health approaches integrating human, animal and environmental sectors, coordination across these domains remains weak, particularly for environmental dimensions. This paper examines why environmental integration lags in Kenya’s AMR governance, despite sophisticated formal architecture that includes national and county coordination platforms (NASIC, CASICs), tech-
nical working groups and the One Health AMR Surveillance System (OHAMRS). We investigate two research questions: (i) What are the enablers and barriers to effective governance of interlinkages among human health, animal health and environmental sectors in mitigating AMR? (ii) What are the options for effectively integrating the environmental dimension into AMR governance?
Drawing on polycentric governance theory, the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework and the concept of Networks of Adjacent Action Situations (NAAS), we analyse how authority, information and resources shape interactions among overlapping decision centres across constitutional, collective-choice and operational levels. Through 12 semi-structured interviews with government officials, fisheries officers and environmental regulators, supplemented by policy document analysis, we map six action situations spanning planning, resource allocation, surveillance, stewardship, wastewater treatment and regulation. Findings reveal that constitutional-choice rules create formal overlaps intended to foster coordination, yet systematic asymmetries in authority, information and resources perpetuate the marginalisation of environmental issues. Boundary and position rules concentrate agenda setting in health sectors; information rules exclude AMR parameters from environmental permits and inspections; payoff rules reward clinical outputs while environmental investments compete with higher priorities; and scope rules omit environmental accountability targets. These rule configurations attenuate feedback loops between environmental action situations and upstream planning, maintaining system stability but at sub-optimal performance for One Health objectives. We identify rule-focused interventions – mandating environmental representation with voting authority, embedding AMR parameters in regulatory instruments, institutionalising joint inspection protocols, ring-fencing environmental budgets, and establishing explicit environmental targets – that would realign coordination toward genuine environmental integration. 

Morris Buliva is an independent researcher based in Nairobi, and Governance and Partnerships Consultant for the Fleming Fund Country Grant in Kenya.

Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) poses a critical threat to global health, with environmental transmission pathways – pharmaceutical waste, wastewater effluents, agricultural runoff – increasingly recognised as significant yet inadequately governed. Despite international calls for One Health approaches integrating human, animal and environmental sectors, coordination across these domains remains weak, particularly for environmental dimensions. This paper examines why environmental integration lags in Kenya’s AMR governance, despite sophisticated formal architecture that includes national and county coordination platforms (NASIC, CASICs), tech-
nical working groups and the One Health AMR Surveillance System (OHAMRS). We investigate two research questions: (i) What are the enablers and barriers to effective governance of interlinkages among human health, animal health and environmental sectors in mitigating AMR? (ii) What are the options for effectively integrating the environmental dimension into AMR governance?
Drawing on polycentric governance theory, the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework and the concept of Networks of Adjacent Action Situations (NAAS), we analyse how authority, information and resources shape interactions among overlapping decision centres across constitutional, collective-choice and operational levels. Through 12 semi-structured interviews with government officials, fisheries officers and environmental regulators, supplemented by policy document analysis, we map six action situations spanning planning, resource allocation, surveillance, stewardship, wastewater treatment and regulation. Findings reveal that constitutional-choice rules create formal overlaps intended to foster coordination, yet systematic asymmetries in authority, information and resources perpetuate the marginalisation of environmental issues. Boundary and position rules concentrate agenda setting in health sectors; information rules exclude AMR parameters from environmental permits and inspections; payoff rules reward clinical outputs while environmental investments compete with higher priorities; and scope rules omit environmental accountability targets. These rule configurations attenuate feedback loops between environmental action situations and upstream planning, maintaining system stability but at sub-optimal performance for One Health objectives. We identify rule-focused interventions – mandating environmental representation with voting authority, embedding AMR parameters in regulatory instruments, institutionalising joint inspection protocols, ring-fencing environmental budgets, and establishing explicit environmental targets – that would realign coordination toward genuine environmental integration. 

Morris Buliva is an independent researcher based in Nairobi, and Governance and Partnerships Consultant for the Fleming Fund Country Grant in Kenya.

Le Tribunal administratif fédéral estime dans un arrêt que la surveillance transfrontalière des communications n’est pas conforme à la loi fondamentale.

La police belge a perquisitionné les locaux du Service européen pour l’Action extérieure (SEAE) à Bruxelles, du Collège d’Europe à Bruges, ainsi que des domiciles privés ce mardi 2 décembre dans le cadre d’une enquête sur des soupçons d’utilisation abusive de fonds européens, selon des personnes proches de l’enquête et des témoins.

The post EXCLUSIF : Perquisitions au service diplomatique de l’UE et au Collège d’Europe dans le cadre d’une enquête pour fraude appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Dauer des Videos : 120'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

The group has been charged under a law which prohibits people from joining foreign armies.

Policy makers need to ensure that the tax system remains well aligned with societal and economic developments. Megatrends, such as the changing demography, the introduction of circular business models, the uptake of generative AI and declining multilateralism may all have an impact on the tax system and the tax mix. The European Business Tax Forum […]

Les élus ont accepté mardi le budget militaire à 2,78 milliards de francs pour 2026. Ils ont également sabré 130 millions dans l’aide sociale aux réfugiés et aux requérants d’asile.

Le Conseil national a validé mardi l’assouplissement des règles d’exportation de matériel de guerre par 120 voix contre 63. La gauche annonce déjà un référendum.

Le débat sur le port du voile à l’école arrive à Berne. Une pétition a été déposée par le comité d’Egerkingen, proche de l’UDC.

Belgrade n'a toujours pas trouvé la solution pour contourner les sanctions des Etats-Unis qui pèsent sur la raffinerie NIS détenue majoritairement par l'entreprise russe Gazprom. L'inquiétude grandit avec le risque de pénurie de carburant.

- Articles / Relations internationales, Courrier des Balkans, Énergie Balkans, Russie Balkans, Une - Diaporama

BBC Sport's Ask Me Anything team looks at every Premier League player who has been confirmed to feature at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco.

The first USSR nuclear test Joe 1 at Semipalatinsk, Kazakhstan, 29 August 1949. Credit: CTBTO

By John Burroughs
SAN FRANCISCO, USA, Dec 2 2025 (IPS)

In a Truth Social post that reverberated around the world, on October 29 President Donald Trump wrote: “Because of other countries’ testing programs, I have instructed the Department of War to start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis.”

A month later, it remains unclear what “testing programs” Trump had in mind. Other than North Korea, which last tested in 2017, no country has carried out nuclear-explosive testing since 1998.

Some commentators speculated that Trump was referring to tests of nuclear weapons delivery systems, since Russia had just carried out tests of innovative systems, a long-range torpedo and a nuclear-powered cruise missile.

Perhaps to underline that the United States too tests delivery systems, in an unusual November 13 press release Sandia National Laboratories announced an August test in which an F-35 aircraft dropped inert nuclear bombs.

It appears, though, that the testing in question concerns nuclear warheads. In what was clearly an effort to contain the implications of Trump’s announcement, on November 2, Energy Secretary Chris Wright said regarding US plans that “I think the tests we’re talking about right now” involve “noncritical” rather than “nuclear” explosions. The Energy Department is responsible for development and maintenance of the nuclear arsenal.

In contrast, Trump’s remarks in an interview taped on October 31 point toward alleged underground nuclear-explosive testing by Russia, China, and other countries as the basis for parallel US testing. His remarks perhaps were sparked by years-old US intelligence assessments that Russia and China may have conducted extremely low-yield experiments that cannot be detected remotely.

The prudent approach is to assume that Trump is talking about a US return to nuclear-explosive testing. That assumption is reinforced by the fact that a few days after Trump’s social media post, the United States was the sole country to vote against a UN General Assembly resolution supporting the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).

The Russian government is taking this approach. On November 5, President Vladimir Putin ordered relevant agencies to study the possible start of preparations for explosive testing of nuclear warheads.

US resumption of nuclear-explosive testing would be a disastrous policy. It would elevate the role of nuclear arms in international affairs, making nuclear conflict more likely. Indeed, nuclear tests can function as a kind of threat.

It likely would also stimulate and facilitate nuclear arms racing already underway among the United States, Russia, and China. Over the longer term nuclear-explosive testing would encourage additional countries to acquire nuclear weapons, as they come to terms with deeper reliance on nuclear arms by the major powers.

Resumption of nuclear test explosions would also be contrary to US international obligations. The United States and China have signed but not ratified the CTBT. Russia is in the same position, having withdrawn its ratification in 2023 to maintain parity with the United States. Due to the lack of necessary ratifications, the CTBT has not entered into force. Since the CTBT was negotiated in 1996, the three countries have observed a moratorium on nuclear-explosive testing.

That posture is consistent with the international law obligation, set forth in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, of a signatory state to refrain from acts which would defeat the object and purpose of a treaty.

The object and purpose of the CTBT is perfectly clear: to prevent and prohibit the carrying out of a nuclear weapon test explosion or any other nuclear explosion.

The CTBT is a major multilateral agreement with an active implementing organization that operates a multi-faceted world-wide system to verify the testing prohibition. It stands as a precedent for a future global agreement or agreements that would control fissile materials used to make nuclear weapons, control missiles and other delivery systems, and reduce and eliminate nuclear arsenals.

The sidelining or evisceration of the CTBT due to an outbreak of nuclear-explosive testing would reverse decades of progress towards establishing a nuclear-weapons-free world.

A return to nuclear-explosive testing would similarly be incompatible with compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Its Article VI requires the negotiation of “cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date.”

Nuclear-explosive testing has long been understood as a driver of nuclear arms racing. The preamble to the NPT recalls the determination expressed in the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty, which prohibits above-ground nuclear tests, “to seek to achieve the discontinuance of all test explosions of nuclear weapons for all time and to continue negotiations to this end.”

In 1995, as part of a package enabling the NPT’s indefinite extension, a review conference committed to completion of negotiations on the CTBT by 1996, which was accomplished. In 2000 and 2010, review conferences called for bringing the CTBT into force.

To resume nuclear-explosive testing though a comprehensive ban has been negotiated, and to support design and development of nuclear weapons through such testing, would be a thoroughgoing repudiation of a key aim of the NPT, the cessation of the nuclear arms race.

That would erode the legitimacy of the NPT, which since 1970 has served as an important barrier to the spread of nuclear arms. The next review conference will be held in the spring of 2026. Resumption of nuclear-explosive testing, or intensified preparations to do so, would severely undermine any prospect of an agreed outcome.

It is imperative that the United States not resume explosive testing of nuclear weapons. It would be a very hard blow to the web of agreements and norms that limit nuclear arms and lay the groundwork for their elimination, and it could even lead toward the truly catastrophic consequences of a nuclear conflict.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Excerpt:

Dr John Burroughs is Senior Analyst, Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy

AMENDMENTS 1 - 189 - Draft report Recommendation for the Council, the Commission and the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on EU-China political relations
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Hilde Vautmans

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Avec 77% d’immigrés en emploi, le pays dépasse la moyenne internationale. Les femmes peinent davantage toutefois à s’insérer professionnellement.

Dauer des Videos : 30'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

Közel tíz éve már, hogy Szolnokon egy kezdő fedélzeti technikus kutató-mentő szolgálatba lépett. A kollégái csak annyit tudtak róla, hogy repülőgép-szerelő képesítése mellett más műszaki végzettsége is van, sőt ács és bútorasztalos szakmát is kitanult. Mivel a nevét nem tudták, azt kérték a parancsnoktól, hogy mutassa már be „a srácot”, mert lenne hozzá kérdésük autószereléssel és asztalos munkákkal kapcsolatban.

A sokoldalú fiatalember Besenyei Martin főtörzsőrmester volt, aki a Jak-52-es repülőműszaki beosztásból került a szállítóhelikopterek fedélzetére. Kollégái természetesen megismerték a „rendes” nevét is, de „A Srác”, mint becenév végleg ráragadt – ma is ez olvasható hajózóoverallja névtábláján. A főtörzsőrmester szakmai életútja inspiráló lehet bármely műszaki érdeklődésű fiatal számára.

[...] Bővebben!

BERICHT über den Vorschlag für eine Verordnung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates zur Änderung der Verordnung (EU) 2021/947 im Hinblick auf die Steigerung der Effizienz der Garantie für Außenmaßnahmen
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Entwicklungsausschuss
David McAllister, Charles Goerens

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

De plus en plus de ressortissants chinois empruntent l'itinéraire migratoire des Balkans occidentaux, profitant du régime sans visa en Serbie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine pour tenter de rejoindre l'Union européenne. Un mouvement encore limité, mais déjà ciblé par les réseaux criminels de la région.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Migrants Balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Croatie, Macédoine du Nord, Serbie, Populations, minorités et migrations, Les Chinois à l'assaut des Balkans, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier

De plus en plus de ressortissants chinois empruntent l'itinéraire migratoire des Balkans occidentaux, profitant du régime sans visa en Serbie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine pour tenter de rejoindre l'Union européenne. Un mouvement encore limité, mais déjà ciblé par les réseaux criminels de la région.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Migrants Balkans, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Croatie, Macédoine du Nord, Serbie, Populations, minorités et migrations, Les Chinois à l'assaut des Balkans, Une - Diaporama, Une - Diaporama - En premier