Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE

An elderly woman in China counted her money with worried feeling. Credit: World Bank / Curt Carnemark

By Kiatkanid Pongpanich
BANGKOK, Thailand, Aug 1 2024 (IPS)

Economic performance in Asia and the Pacific has proved to be quite resilient to the shocks of the past few years – the COVID-19 pandemic, the ongoing wars in Ukraine and Gaza, and the cost-of-living crisis. In 2023, the region’s economy drove over 60 per cent of the global economic growth.

Positive economic conditions in the region are evident since the start of 2024. Economic growth picked up in major economies amid strong private consumption driven by steady employment and moderating inflation.

While not broad-based, exports also rebounded in several countries such as China, Pakistan, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Viet Nam after contraction in previous quarters. Yet, it is premature to say whether this trend will continue to gain further momentum.

For both 2024 and 2025, ESCAP projects the developing Asia-Pacific economies to grow on average at 4.4 per cent. Though quite decent, this is slower than the earlier projection of 4.8 per cent highlighted in 2023 and the average 5.4 per cent growth experienced in the pre-pandemic years of 2017-2019.

Domestic demand, especially household consumption, is likely to continue to drive economic growth as inflation is expected to decline from an average of 5.2 per cent in 2023 to 4.8 per cent in 2024 and 3.8 per cent in 2025. Despite this resilient performance, vigilance is needed as several near-term risks and challenges lie ahead.

First, China’s economic performance present both upside and downside risks. On the upside, the economic stimulus announced in May 2024 has the potential to lift public investment. Part of this stimulus includes measures to support the country’s property market which could help stabilize the downturn including falling house prices and boost confidence, although the pace and strength of recovery are uncertain.

While exports have been providing near-term support since the start of 2024, the expected slower-than-expected global growth, financial conditions that will remain tighter-for-longer and increased trade tensions present some downside risks.

As China accounts for over 40 per cent of the region’s economic output, its economic performance will have notable impacts on export performance of other regional peers and beyond.

Second, financial stability risks are on the rise in some Asia-Pacific countries as high debt servicing costs have weakened the debt repayment ability of not only governments but also firms and households.

For example, the proportion of default loans have increased between 0.5 to 2.5 percentage points since end-2022 in economies such as Bangladesh, Pakistan and Viet Nam where the non-performing loan ratio stands around 5 to 10 per cent.

Third, while policy rate cuts have begun in Canada and the European Union, similar monetary easing in the United States may come later than expected due to strong employment conditions and above-target inflation. This influences the monetary policy stance of Asia-Pacific central banks.

Even when inflation falls back within official targets, some central banks may still be reluctant to cut policy rates to guard against capital outflows and subsequent currency depreciations.

Fourth, the recent increases in global food and energy prices since the beginning of 2024 raise renewed concerns regarding inflation. Global oil prices have already increased by an average of 8 per cent so far in 2024 compared to 2023. Domestic policies will also play a role.

For example, the Malaysian government has announced a shift from blanket diesel subsidies towards a more targeted one, which could result in higher inflation.

Finally, continued geopolitical tensions in Ukraine and the Middle-East could disrupt supply chains through diversion of trading routes and further push up freight costs. For example, the Shanghai Containerized Freight Index, which measures the shipping costs from Asia to Europe, in May 2024 was about 180 per cent higher than the pre-Middle-East conflict level in October 2023.

Uncertainty regarding near-term economic outlook has direct implications for people’s socioeconomic wellbeing. Slower economic growth would lead to subdued job creation and wage growth. People’s purchasing power in Asia and the Pacific has already eroded, as the rise in wage earnings is struggling to keep up with inflation.

In many Asia-Pacific economies, over 60 per cent of those employed are informal workers who work in precarious jobs and have no social safety net to fall back on in case economic conditions worsen.

Furthermore, difficult economic conditions could constrain tax revenue collection, thus undermining government’s efforts to step-up investments in support of Sustainable Development Goals.

While we acknowledge the economic resilience of economies in Asia and the Pacific and the positive economic conditions evident so far since the start of 2024, policymakers must also be cognizant and prepared for the uncertainties that may unfold.

Kiatkanid Pongpanich is Senior Research Assistant, ESCAP

IPS UN Bureau

 

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An elderly woman in China counted her money with worried feeling. Credit: World Bank / Curt Carnemark

By Kiatkanid Pongpanich
BANGKOK, Thailand, Aug 1 2024 (IPS)

Economic performance in Asia and the Pacific has proved to be quite resilient to the shocks of the past few years – the COVID-19 pandemic, the ongoing wars in Ukraine and Gaza, and the cost-of-living crisis. In 2023, the region’s economy drove over 60 per cent of the global economic growth.

Positive economic conditions in the region are evident since the start of 2024. Economic growth picked up in major economies amid strong private consumption driven by steady employment and moderating inflation.

While not broad-based, exports also rebounded in several countries such as China, Pakistan, Philippines, Republic of Korea, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Viet Nam after contraction in previous quarters. Yet, it is premature to say whether this trend will continue to gain further momentum.

For both 2024 and 2025, ESCAP projects the developing Asia-Pacific economies to grow on average at 4.4 per cent. Though quite decent, this is slower than the earlier projection of 4.8 per cent highlighted in 2023 and the average 5.4 per cent growth experienced in the pre-pandemic years of 2017-2019.

Domestic demand, especially household consumption, is likely to continue to drive economic growth as inflation is expected to decline from an average of 5.2 per cent in 2023 to 4.8 per cent in 2024 and 3.8 per cent in 2025. Despite this resilient performance, vigilance is needed as several near-term risks and challenges lie ahead.

First, China’s economic performance present both upside and downside risks. On the upside, the economic stimulus announced in May 2024 has the potential to lift public investment. Part of this stimulus includes measures to support the country’s property market which could help stabilize the downturn including falling house prices and boost confidence, although the pace and strength of recovery are uncertain.

While exports have been providing near-term support since the start of 2024, the expected slower-than-expected global growth, financial conditions that will remain tighter-for-longer and increased trade tensions present some downside risks.

As China accounts for over 40 per cent of the region’s economic output, its economic performance will have notable impacts on export performance of other regional peers and beyond.

Second, financial stability risks are on the rise in some Asia-Pacific countries as high debt servicing costs have weakened the debt repayment ability of not only governments but also firms and households.

For example, the proportion of default loans have increased between 0.5 to 2.5 percentage points since end-2022 in economies such as Bangladesh, Pakistan and Viet Nam where the non-performing loan ratio stands around 5 to 10 per cent.

Third, while policy rate cuts have begun in Canada and the European Union, similar monetary easing in the United States may come later than expected due to strong employment conditions and above-target inflation. This influences the monetary policy stance of Asia-Pacific central banks.

Even when inflation falls back within official targets, some central banks may still be reluctant to cut policy rates to guard against capital outflows and subsequent currency depreciations.

Fourth, the recent increases in global food and energy prices since the beginning of 2024 raise renewed concerns regarding inflation. Global oil prices have already increased by an average of 8 per cent so far in 2024 compared to 2023. Domestic policies will also play a role.

For example, the Malaysian government has announced a shift from blanket diesel subsidies towards a more targeted one, which could result in higher inflation.

Finally, continued geopolitical tensions in Ukraine and the Middle-East could disrupt supply chains through diversion of trading routes and further push up freight costs. For example, the Shanghai Containerized Freight Index, which measures the shipping costs from Asia to Europe, in May 2024 was about 180 per cent higher than the pre-Middle-East conflict level in October 2023.

Uncertainty regarding near-term economic outlook has direct implications for people’s socioeconomic wellbeing. Slower economic growth would lead to subdued job creation and wage growth. People’s purchasing power in Asia and the Pacific has already eroded, as the rise in wage earnings is struggling to keep up with inflation.

In many Asia-Pacific economies, over 60 per cent of those employed are informal workers who work in precarious jobs and have no social safety net to fall back on in case economic conditions worsen.

Furthermore, difficult economic conditions could constrain tax revenue collection, thus undermining government’s efforts to step-up investments in support of Sustainable Development Goals.

While we acknowledge the economic resilience of economies in Asia and the Pacific and the positive economic conditions evident so far since the start of 2024, policymakers must also be cognizant and prepared for the uncertainties that may unfold.

Kiatkanid Pongpanich is Senior Research Assistant, ESCAP

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
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If Africa is to achieve the milestones under the UN 2030 Agenda for sustainable development or the Africa Union Agenda 2063, countries urgently need to recommit themselves to carrying out the Maputo Protocol. Credit: Shutterstock.

By Betty Kabari
NAIROBI, Jul 31 2024 (IPS)

International African Women’s Day on July 31 recognizes the contribution of African women toward political, social, and economic freedom on the continent. But gender equality is still not a reality for most African women.

Many countries still have regressive laws, and even the more progressive laws in other countries are often poorly carried out. There is a lack of supportive frameworks to promote and safeguard women and girls’ equality, such as research into rights violations and public education on gender equality and women and girls’ rights.

The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, or the Maputo Protocol as it is known, provides a framework for fulfilling and upholding the rights of women and girls.

The lack of adequate progress is a reminder that governments have not met their obligation to address meaningfully the ways that laws, policies, and practices propagate patriarchal systems that discriminate against women and girls and entrench gender inequality in every aspect of life

It identifies various areas in which women and girls are denied equality and calls on governments to take legislative, institutional, and other measures to combat all forms of discrimination.

Forty-four out of 55 African countries have ratified the Maputo Protocol and some have made progress in enacting legislation in the two decades that it has been in force.

But the lack of adequate progress is a reminder that governments have not met their obligation to address meaningfully the ways that laws, policies, and practices propagate patriarchal systems that discriminate against women and girls and entrench gender inequality in every aspect of life.

Article 4 of the Maputo Protocol recognizes women’s and girls’ rights to life, integrity, and security of their person, some of the most fundamental, foundational rights. Yet violations of these rights are frequent and manifest in a number of ways including femicide – gender related killings of women and girls; what is called obstetric violence – ill treatment of women and girls when seeking reproductive health services; and lack of access to safe, legal abortion care.

In 2022, the United Nations identified Africa as the continent with the highest incidence of femicide. More than 20,000 women and girls on the continent were killed by intimate partners or family members that year, averaging more than 54 deaths daily – the highest in absolute numbers of any continent.

However, only the government of South Africa has consistently collected data on femicide or made any efforts to develop laws, policies, or programs that address femicide, such as in its National Strategic Plan on Gender Based Violence and Femicide. Other governments, such as Kenya, fail both to collect the relevant data and to effectively investigate and prosecute femicide.

African countries have also been slow to respond to mistreatment of women and girls during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum care, including verbal and physical abuse, neglect, and non-consensual and medically unnecessary procedures.

Insufficient data  hampers conclusions on the exact scope of the problem but global studies have found that, depending on the country,  between 15 and 91 percent of women experience mistreatment during childbirth. There is also a dearth, globally, of data on abuses that occur when women and girls seek other maternal health services, including abortion services.

In Malawi, a 2019 report from the Office of the Ombudsman documented various forms of abuse and mistreatment during labor and delivery, including forced Cesarean sections and hysterectomies.

The causes included negligence by overworked and underpaid healthcare workers and a lack of medication and emergency obstetric care. Five years later, Malawi is lagging in carrying out the report’s recommendations.

Article 14 of the Maputo Protocol recognizes women and girls’ right of access to abortion care in cases when the pregnancy is a result of sexual violence or when the pregnancy endangers the physical or mental health of the woman, or the life of the woman or the fetus. But fewer than half of the countries that have ratified the Maputo Protocol have incorporated this right into their domestic law, and even fewer have implemented it.

In the absence of legally protected abortion care, 75 percent of all abortions on the African continent are unsafe. This results in maternal mortality as well as complications that require over 1.6 million African women and girls to seek post-abortion care each year.

In Zambia, which is considered to have some of the most liberal abortion laws on the continent, unsafe abortion remains prevalent and accounts for 30 percent of the country’s maternal mortality.

The law limits the availability of facilities and healthcare providers who can legally provide abortion services, contrary to guidance from the World Health Organization.

In addition, the government has not taken sufficient measures to address stigma against abortion or raise awareness of the country’s laws on abortion, leading to many women, girls, and even healthcare providers believing incorrectly that abortion is illegal.

If Africa is to achieve the milestones under the UN 2030 Agenda for sustainable development or the Africa Union Agenda 2063, the continent’s strategic framework to achieve inclusive and sustainable socio-economic development over a 50-year period, countries urgently need to recommit themselves to carrying out the Maputo Protocol. That means including taking immediate action to address femicide, obstetric violence and inaccessibility of safe, legal abortion care.

Betty Kabari is a women’s right researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Cover of the Cultural Olympiad programme

By SWAN
PARIS, Jul 31 2024 (IPS)

As cheers from beach-volleyball fans fill the air at the Eiffel Tower Stadium on a steamy, sunny day, pedestrians just down the road are enjoying another kind of show: an outdoor exhibition of huge photographs gleaming on the metal railings of UNESCO headquarters.

Titled Cultures at the Games, the exhibition is among hundreds of artistic and cultural events taking place across France during the 2024 Olympic Games (hosted by the French capital July 26 to Aug. 11), and they’re being staged alongside the numerous athletic contests.

The events even have an umbrella name – the Cultural Olympiad – and include photography, painting, sculpture, fashion, and a host of attractions linking art and sport. Most are scheduled to run beyond the closing ceremony of the Games.

UNESCO (the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) is a “partner” in the Cultural Olympiad, arranging not only the usual meetings where bureaucrats give lofty speeches, but also showcasing a series of works to highlight diversity and inclusion.

Cultures at the Games, for instance, comprises some 140 photographs portraying memorable aspects of the opening and closing ceremonies of the Olympics since 1924 and is presented in association with the Olympic Museum of Lausanne.

Images show how national delegations have transmitted their culture during these extravaganzas, and the pictures depict athletes such as Jamaica’s Usain Bolt, whose “lightning bolt” pose has become part of the Games’ folklore even as he has helped to make the green, gold and black colours of his country’s flag more recognizable.

Inside UNESCO’s Y-shaped building, meanwhile, a collection of panels focuses on how sport can “Change the Game”, a theme running across all of the organization’s “Olympiad” events. (At the “World Ministerial Meeting” that UNESCO hosted on July 24, just ahead of the Olympics, officials discussed gender equality, inclusion of people with disabilities, and protection of athletes, for example.)

A notable section of the indoor exhibition features historic photographs that pay tribute to athletes who sparked change through their achievements or activism. Here, one can view an iconic picture of American athlete Jesse Owens, the “spanner in the works that completely disrupted the Nazi propaganda machine set up during the 1936 Berlin Olympics,” according to the curators.

Owens won four medals at the Games, but “received no immediate (official) recognition from his own country” despite being welcomed as a hero by the public, as the exhibition notes. The racism in the United States meant that President Franklyn D. Roosevelt refused to congratulate him “for fear of losing votes in the Southern states.” The photo shows him standing on the podium in Berlin, while behind him another competitor gives a “Hitler salute”.

 

Jesse Owens at the Berlin Olympics, in Athletes who changed the world at UNESCO;

 

Athletes who changed the world equally features boxer Mohammad Ali, who in 1967 refused to fight in Vietnam and was stripped of his world championship title and banned from the ring for three years.

Perhaps the most famous image, however, is that of athletes Tommie Smith and John Carlos at the 1968 games in Mexico City. They “removed their shoes and walked forward in socks to protest against the extreme poverty faced by African Americans,” as the caption reminds viewers. “With solemn faces, Smith and Carlos bowed their heads and raised their gloved black fists, aiming to raise global awareness about racial segregation in their country.”

 

A photo of Tommie Smith, in Athletes who changed the world at UNESCO

 

The exhibition outlines the long battles faced by women athletes as well, and it highlights the work of Alice Milliat who, as president of the French Women’s Sports Federation, “campaigned for women’s inclusion in Olympic sports”. She organized the first Women’s Olympic Games in Paris in 1922, bringing together five countries and 77 athletes.

Although Milliat “died in obscurity” in 1957, her “legacy endures today, with the Paris 2024 Games highlighting gender equality in sports, largely thanks to her visionary efforts,” says the photo caption.

Similarly, the exhibition spotlights the contributions of disabled athletes such as Ryadh Sallem, who was born without arms or legs, a victim of the Thalidomide medication that was prescribed to pregnant women in the 1950s and Sixties and caused deformities in children.

Sallem won 15 French championship titles in swimming and later turned to team sports such as wheelchair basketball and rugby. At UNESCO, his photograph is prominently displayed, along with the story of his hopes for the 2024 Paralympics and his mission to “promote a positive vision of disability”.

Elsewhere in the city, artists and museums are also paying tribute to Paralympic competitors, ahead of the Paralympic Games from Aug. 28 to Sept. 8 in Paris.

On the fencing around the imposing Gare de l’Est (train station), colourful works by artist Lorenzo Mattoti show disabled athletes competing in a variety of sports, while the Panthéon is presenting the “Paralympic Stories: From Sporting Integration to Social Inclusion (1948-2024)”. This exposition relates the “history of Paralympism and the challenges of equality,” according to curators Anne Marcellini and Sylvain Ferez.

For fans of sculpture, Paris has a range of “Olympiad” works on view for free. In June, the city unveiled its official “sculpture olympique” or Olympic Statue, created by Los Angeles-based African-American artist Alison Saar, who cites inspiration from Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America.

The sculpture, located near the famed Champs Elysées avenue, depicts a seated African woman holding a flame in front of the Olympic rings, and it “embodies Olympic values of inclusivity and peace,” according to the office of Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo.

When it was inaugurated on June 23, however, it sparked a flurry of hostile remarks from some far-right commentators on social media, who apparently felt threatened by the work.

Another statue of a woman, that of Venus de Milo or the mythical goddess Aphrodite, has been “reinterpreted” in six versions by artistic director Laurent Perbos to symbolise “feminine” sporting disciplines, including boxing, archery and surfing. The statues stand in front of the National Assembly, and the irony won’t be lost on most viewers: French women secured the right to vote only in 1944.

Of course, Paris wouldn’t be Paris without another particular artform. As the much-discussed Opening Ceremony of the Olympics showed, fashion is an integral part of these Games, and those who didn’t get enough of the array of sometimes questionable costumes can head for another dose with “La Mode en movement #2” (Fashion in Motion #2).

This exhibition at the Palais Galliera / Fashion Museum looks at the history of sports clothing from the 18th century, with a special focus on beachwear. Among the 250 pieces on display, viewers will surely gain tips on what to wear for beach volleyball.

For more information, see: Olympiade Culturelle (paris2024.org)

Time is ripe to tap on this youthful Gen Z generation and ensure that they are supported financially and with the knowledge they need to lead the much-needed African agriculture revolution. Credit: Busani Bafana/IPS

By Esther Ngumbi
URBANA, Illinois, US, Jul 31 2024 (IPS)

Kenyan Gen Z recently led a series of historic protests that resulted in Kenya’s President rejecting the Finance Bill 2023 and dissolving his cabinet.  These protests are inspiring a wave of change, revolutions, and optimism in Kenya and the African Continent.

Importantly, these protests present Kenyans with a chance to reflect on governance and other fundamental issues including food insecurity and hunger, youth unemployment and an agricultural sector that is yet to deliver for Kenyans and the African continent.

The agricultural sector, that is a source of livelihood for over 70% of African citizens if tapped upon by Gen Zs can offer a crucial part of the solution to this dilemma.

For one, as a sector, agriculture provides multiple avenues for Gen Zs and youth to tap in- from the production all the way to marketing agricultural products to the consumers.

Further, according to the African Development Bank, and The World Bank this sector is projected to be worth around one trillion dollars by 2030, with opportunities at every stage of the agricultural value chain.

Gen Zs possess the energy and creativity needed to revolutionize African agricultural sector. They have college degrees, are tech-savvy, purpose-driven and entrepreneurial

At the same time, according to the world bank’s “Unlocking Africa’s Agricultural Potential” report, there are enormous opportunities stemming from the several areas where the sector is currently lagging.

These include the gap between regional demand and supply, the low adoption of irrigation technologies and climate-smart farming practices, limited use of inputs and new technologies including precision technologies, ranging from remote sensing platforms, use of sensors and drones, automated mechanical weeders drones, satellite powered weather stations, soil health determination and monitoring tools and artificial intelligence.

Gen Z and the youth can view these as opportunities that can be tapped on and leveraged to bring upon this agricultural revolution.

But to tap onto these opportunities presented by the agricultural sector value chain and to transform the sector into a high-technology powerhouse of innovation and a global food powerhouse, Gen Z will need to access financial capital and other investments.

Governments in African countries, including Kenya and other credible development funding agencies such as USAID, The Rockefeller foundation, and the African Development Bank, must finance entrepreneurial efforts and agriculture-focused startups launched by Gen Zs.

Indeed, Kenya’s and Africa’s Gen Zs have the potential to lead the much-needed Africa’s agricultural revolution that will see Kenya and other African countries produce abundant, safe and healthy food that will not only meet the continent’s food needs, but also be of such taste, class and distinction that the whole world will want it.

Gen Zs possess the energy and creativity needed to revolutionize African agricultural sector. They have college degrees, are tech-savvy, purpose-driven and entrepreneurial.

Time is ripe to tap on this youthful Gen Z generation and ensure that they are supported financially and with the knowledge they need to lead the much-needed African agriculture revolution. It will do more than produce food. It will create jobs, wealth and bring the much-needed makeover of the agricultural sector in Kenya and Africa.

Esther Ngumbi, PhD is Assistant Professor, Department of Entomology, African American Studies Department, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Jay Mulucha speaks at the 25th International AIDS Conference in Munich. Credit: Steve Forrest/IAS

By Ed Holt
MUNICH, Jul 31 2024 (IPS)

Jay Mulucha, Executive Director of FEM Alliance Uganda, gave an impassioned plea to governments around the world to push lawmakers in his home country to reverse punitive new legislation criminalizing the LGBT+ community.

He became the first trans man to speak at the opening ceremony when he addressed the 25th International AIDS Conference in Munich last week (July 22)—the world’s largest conference on HIV and AIDS, attended by an estimated 10,000 people.

Mulucha spoke about how he and other members of the LGBT+ community in Uganda live in constant fear, and the impact of Uganda’s 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Act, which outlaws sexual relations among members of the same sex and imposes the death penalty for “serious homosexual acts.”

IPS spoke to Mulucha at the conference about how he and other activists refuse to give up their fight for acceptance and their determination to help others despite the dangers and challenges they face on a daily basis.

Jay Mulucha, Executive Director of FEM Alliance Uganda. Courtesy: Jay Mulucha

IPS: Were you surprised at the reception you got today when you spoke?

Jay Mulucha (JM): I was very surprised because this is a really big conference that brings together a lot of people. But at the same time, I am very pleased that I am here.

IPS: Today, we heard you talk about the repression that you and other members of the LGBT community face in Uganda. But of course, Uganda is not the only place where there are such laws. Do you think that your activities and what you are doing can be an inspiration for other LGBT+ people facing repression in other countries?

JM: Yes, it can. What I have achieved today by telling the world about what we are going through is going to make a change. That’s because I have made sure that we are getting opportunities (to speak out). This is the first time that a trans person has been part of the opening ceremony at [the annual IAS AIDS Conference] and it is very important that these opportunities be given to us so that they can hear our voices. You see, it’s not only in Uganda—people in other countries are suffering. Our voices are being trodden on, so if we are given the chance to speak, it gives us a greater opportunity to let the world know that things are not going well for people like us.

We work with different people in different countries to get out the message of what we are doing to counter the anti-gender movements that are rising up. This movement is really hurting us and we are doing what we can to try and stop them from spreading their hate.

IPS: Do you see any hope that the situation in Uganda for LGBT+ people will change any time soon?

JM: I joined the LGBTQI activist movement in Uganda more than ten years ago. When I joined, the situation was worse than it is today. Today, we are doing a lot of advocacy work, helping different people, and I can say that though the situation is not good, I am happy to say that there are some people who used to be homophobic and transphobic, and their minds and narratives have been changed through the advocacy work that we have done. Compared to ten years ago, at least now people know about the LGBT community. Back then, no one would even say it because people thought it was a sin to even mention the LGBT+ community. Right now, they are talking about us, the health service providers, and the government knows about LGBT—they are saying it. Even if it’s negative, at least they are saying it; they know that we exist and that we need services. So, I have a feeling that if we keep on doing our work, our advocacy, and we keep on talking about all these issues in different forums, at some point things will change. I can give an example of countries that have better laws, but those laws didn’t come about suddenly; it’s not like everyone woke up one morning and they were suddenly in place. People had to fight [for these laws] and go through a lot until things were better. I have a feeling that one day things in Uganda are going to change. We’re not going to give up; we’re going to continue the fight until we get what we want. We call upon different missions, different countries, in Europe, and the whole world to stand with us in this fight until we get what we want.

IPS: What impact are these laws going to have, or are already having, on the HIV situation in Uganda?

JM: These laws are making things worse. Different government officials are on record castigating and telling health service providers not to attend to any LGBT people, meaning that access to services is a challenge. The LGBT community is kept from accessing health services. This is because they know that once they try to access these services, they are going to be arrested, that they are not going to get these services, that they are going to be tortured, that they are going to be discriminated against, and (that they will be) told lots of homophobic things. These laws have really impacted health service provision for LGBT+ people. It’s so bad that some people are resorting to self-medication, which, of course, is bad and very dangerous.

IPS: How does someone in Uganda from the LGBT+ community who has HIV access the HIV care they need?

JM: There are drop-in centres that are being funded by international organizations. We also educate some health service providers. Some healthcare providers are welcoming; they welcome us and give us the services we need. The pop-up centres have supported the community. The community feels safe accessing services in places where they feel comfortable. Finding a doctor is done by word of mouth. There are some physicians that are welcoming [of LGBT+ people] but those doctors also have challenges; they have to give us services sometimes secretly because they don’t want to be seen supporting us.

IPS: Do you think that homophobia and transphobia are very prevalent in Uganda, or is it really the case that there is just a very visible and very vocal minority that thinks like that and is spreading anti-LGBT+ hate, and most other people are just silent on the issue?

JM: Homophobia and transphobia were very prevalent in Uganda even before LGBT+ people were as open as they are now. But with the anti-rights movement, it has just increased. There was already hate, but this movement that has come up has increased the hate, transphobia and homophobia. The anti-gender and anti-gay movements have just increased and fueled everything. The rise of those movements among the politicians and the ‘evangelicos’—like the religious leaders and the cultural leaders—has fired up everything. Nowadays, they are so vocal because they are being funded. They have these huge donors and people are bribed to support them. This is just increasing the hate.

Another thing—the reason these people are silent is because these anti-gay and anti-gender movements are being funded and they are bribing people to stand with them and for people to be silent about the whole situation. People are not standing with us because some of them have been bribed to do so. That is why the LGBT community in Uganda asked different governments in different countries to speak up about these repressive laws in Uganda and other places. But instead, some countries, especially European countries, have been silent on it, including Germany. They are welcoming parliamentarians from Uganda, like the vice speaker of parliament, who was welcomed with open arms by the German government recently. And Germany is still funding our government. Why is that happening?  They are hiding behind the US, which put sanctions on the government figures who were involved in the passing of the [anti-homosexuality] laws. Germany just put out statements on this. We don’t want statements; we want Germany to put sanctions on these people. And they should stop funding them. Instead, Germany should fund the LGBT+ organizations that are struggling. And they’re doing all this thinking that we won’t, or don’t, know about it. We call on the German government to stop this.

IPS: You spoke about waking up every day and wondering whether you were going to be safe. How do you and other activists function and do your jobs when you have to worry all the time about your safety?

JM: We are trying to do our work in hiding because we need to continue the struggle; we need to continue to stand with the LGBT community here. We find ways to operate safely. We try our best to make sure we aren’t discovered because the moment the government finds out about our work, they will close the organization, arrest us, or cancel our permission to work. So we do our work in hiding. The second thing we do is look out for each other and each other’s security and try to find new ways to keep ourselves safe. Safety is a major concern for us. The situation is not good, but we are not giving up. We tried to also make sure that we advocate and that we also help educate people in institutions, like the police for example. We speak to people and we try to make them understand who we are and why they should not be violent towards us. We are going through a lot of challenges at the moment, but we go on because we know that at some point this is going to change and everything is going to be okay with us.

IPS: What message would you like to give to people from this conference?

JM: I would like to say thank you to the conference organizers for allowing me to be a speaker here and hope people like me continue to get opportunities like this to speak, because whenever we do, it takes things to another level. Every time we get the chance to speak out, it allows our voices to be heard, and it is through our voices being heard that we get support.

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By Oritro Karim
NEW YORK, Jul 31 2024 (IPS)

Global warming, widely believed to be a universal crisis, will actually impact girls and women far more than boys and men. It is already known that we live in a patriarchal world, one in which men are afforded far greater opportunities for success while women generally hold less societal power and have access to fewer resources. This especially pertains to developing countries in which agriculture related work, usually delegated to females, depends on a variety of environmental factors and subsequently, significantly hurts their livelihoods.

In addition, women are generally far more susceptible to poverty, discrimination, and social injustice, all of which are magnified by the climate crisis. It is also important to note that global warming puts reproductive health in jeopardy as rising temperatures and a lack of resources increase the chances of miscarriage, gestational diabetes, and maternal mortality.

Moreover, there is a direct correlation between environmental harm and domestic violence, sexual exploitation, and a loss of education for women. Furthermore, answers to the climate crisis are generally male-centered and do not keep these inequities in mind. It is essential for the future of the planet that we come up with universal solutions to reverse global warming, ones that yield benefits for all.

As stated, global warming and the climate crisis has a significant impact on the livelihoods of women. As the climate crisis causes temperatures to rise globally, jobs in agriculture diminish in frequency. Climate change is directly linked to higher rates of drought, famine, flooding, erosion, and a loss in crop yields. Women constitute the majority of agriculture jobs globally, accounting for approximately 45-80 percent of all food production in developing countries, according to the UN article, “Women, Gender Equality, and Climate Change”. This often displaces women financially as their job security is highly dependent on a stable environment and natural resources.

Additionally, the consequences of this familial financial displacement often causes girls to be pulled out of school, which essentially keeps them from gaining employment in fields beyond agriculture. The CNN article, “How the climate crisis fuels gender inequality” states that communities that are affected by environmental harm are often faced with the decision to place their young children into the workforce early in order to support their households. In developing countries, such as Nigeria, girls are discouraged from pursuing an education and therefore, the climate crisis only amplifies that sentiment.

Habiba Mohammed, the director of the Center for Girls’ Education, states, “when we give the girls education on climate change, how to mitigate it, it will go a long way in helping the girls in how to support themselves in times of difficulties, and even help them prepare for it”. It is apparent that the climate crisis strips women in developing countries of their opportunities and essentially keeps them in a state of economic vulnerability.

The climate crisis also has a far greater detriment on the physical health and wellbeing of women than men. For example, women are afforded far fewer resources than men, including access to clean water and food. The UN article states “global warming is one of the leading causes and greatest contributors to world hunger, malnutrition, exposure to disease, and declining access to water. Moreover it poses limitations to adequate housing, spurring the loss of livelihoods as a result of permanent displacement”. As essential resources diminish, the remainder is often left to those at the top of society, men. Therefore, women have much higher chances of dying from these consequences.

It is also important to note that the climate crisis has a disastrous effect on reproductive health. In the United States, BIPOC communities are more likely to be placed in lower income neighborhoods, which have higher levels of pollution and restricted access to clean living. This causes Black women to be 2.6 times more likely to die from childbirth related complications due to environmental factors caused by climate change. Furthermore, women in developing countries are highly susceptible to complications due to high temperatures. The article, “How the Climate Crisis Affects Reproductive Rights” states that rising temperatures are responsible for an increase in stillbirth, preeclampsia, gestational diabetes, malaria, fibrosis, and stress related illnesses.

Additionally, it is stated that pregnant women are far more likely to die from the spread of disease due to flooding, which is a consequence of climate change, and are less likely to receive prenatal care. Therefore, the climate crisis not only limits a woman’s access to healthcare but also disproportionately exacerbates rates of disease and death for women.

It is also crucial to acknowledge the link between the climate crisis and gender related abuse. Cases of gender discrimination, domestic violence, and sexual exploitation are already massive concerns globally but are only exacerbated by environmental devastation and natural disasters. The article, “How Climate Change and Instability Exacerbate Sexual- and Gender-Based Violence and Violence Against Women and Girls” states that climate change often causes women and children to migrate away from their families and into unfamiliar and potentially dangerous areas, greatly increasing the risk of abuse, stalking, sexual trafficking, and even “female genital mutilation”.

In addition, these women are far more likely to turn to sex work in order to support themselves, which can not only be potentially dangerous but also increases their chances of developing STDs and HIV. The article also states that in Ethiopia, due to dire conditions caused by famine, sexual violence has run rampant and there aren’t systems in place to protect them or let them acquire justice.

It is imperative that we find sustainable solutions to climate change that not only include fe male perspectives but also tackle issues of gender inequality. As Earth begins to be stripped of her resources, so do women, and therefore, we do not have any time to waste.

Sources Used:
1. https://www.un.org/womenwatch/feature/climate_change/downloads/Women_and_Climate_Change_Factsheet.pdf
2. https://www.cnn.com/interactive/2023/11/world/climate-gender-inequality-cnnphotos-as-equals-intl-cmd/
3. https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/02/09/how-climate-crisis-affects-reproductive-rights
4. https://now.org/blog/how-climate-change-and-instability-exacerbate-sexual-and-gender-based-violence-and-violence-against-women-and-girls/

Oritro Karim is a recent graduate from Rochester Institute of Technology and a working illustrator, graphic designer, painter, and writer.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Kamala Harris. Credit: White House

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Jul 31 2024 (IPS)

Within the Democratic field, no potential candidate for president is better-positioned, at this juncture, to defeat Trump more skillfully and pointedly than Kamala Harris. She is writing a new chapter in American history that will chart a new national course impacting future generations.

When it became clear that President Biden would likely drop out of the race, I hoped that some shining, younger, experienced, and inspiring Democratic candidate would emerge to assume Biden’s mantra and crush Trump.

Once Biden endorsed Kamala Harris, within hours, she responded to the call of a party saddled with uncertainly and sorely in need of coalescing around a leader with qualities to galvanize and unite a party; she rose to the occasion and stymied every potential rival from challenging her.

Her subsequent performance on the stump has demonstrated that she is not only up to the task but also the candidate who will give Trump a run for his money and expose him for what he really is: a man who will not ‘make America great again’ but the one who will bring shame to America and destroy its greatness.

Before I expound on why Harris is the right candidate for the right time, when everything—the Supreme Court, House, and Senate are on the ballot—it is critical to contextualize the social and political environment in which we find ourselves today.

Trump’s dire divisiveness and polarization that is tearing America apart and what the horrific domestic and international ramifications will be should Trump be elected place a formidable burden on Harris to literally save America from the pandemic that has infected the majority of the Republican party.

Yes, a Black and South Asian woman is now tasked to save America from a wannabe dictator, a fascist bent on destroying America’s democracy and its unique standing in the world only to serve his cultish, sickening ego.

No one but Harris can possibly fathom how fateful her mission is and how arduous the road she must travel to restore America’s political and social civility and its leadership in the world will be. She knows she is writing a new chapter on America’s destiny and why she cannot fail.

Harris enjoys many professional skills and attributes and can build on Biden’s legacy and remarkable achievements over the past four years. Here are nine reasons Harris can, and most likely will, crush Trump in the upcoming elections and win.

Harris is inspiring

There was a hunger among the Democratic party to desperately find someone other than Biden to coalesce around without infighting, a candidate that could restore dignity to politics. Harris has engendered tremendous enthusiasm and many qualified voters will vote for her just for that reason.

The polls have already reflected the public fervor for change, a trend that she can sustain as we edge closer to election day. Moreover, the enthusiasm she evoked has also translated to raising a record amount of money during the last week since she became the presumptive nominee.

The age advantage

Harris is relatively young (59) and energetic, with charisma, stamina, and natural flair. She has no age problem that has been haunting Biden. She can now turn the table on Trump and use the age issue against him—he is old (77), fumbles, goes off on tangents, and is generally incoherent, all of which reflects that his age caught up with him prematurely.

Harris’s advantage as a woman

Post-Hillary Clinton, many voters of all ethnicities and ages have become more comfortable with a woman as president. Moreover, at a time of extreme political tension and divisiveness, where compromises are hard to come, women tend to work out compromises and keep a respectful tone in politics, which is particularly needed, thanks to Trump, in this poisonous political atmosphere. She will be in a perfect position to deal with an angry, unhinged, and temperamental fool like Trump and play the adult in any setting with him.

Skilled prosecutor

As an experienced prosecutor in California and attorney general, Harris is best positioned to prosecute the case against Trump, probably like no other. She has prosecuted, over the years, sex offenders, grand larcenists, tax evaders, and swindlers. As she recently said, “I know his type.” Trump will sweat it out with her and not know where the next punch is coming from.

Energizing young Democrats

Many young Black women have been reinvigorated by Harris’ campaign, in part due to her race and gender, with a “Win With Black Women” Zoom fundraising event raising over $1.5 million for the Harris campaign the same day Biden endorsed her. Many young Black men who were disenchanted by Biden and considered giving Trump a chance have returned to the fold and will vote for Harris in droves.

They sought someone to inspire them, and Harris came to quench their yearning. Moreover, younger people are generally less inclined to judge an individual based on gender. In this case, Harris may have an added advantage.

Galvanize Democrats on the fence and anxious Republicans

Given the concerns of a growing number of Democrats about Biden’s age and frailty when he was still the de facto nominee of his party and many Republicans’ anxiety over Trump’s unfitness to serve another term as president, many eligible voters have been swayed to stay out and not vote at all. That has changed with the rise of Harris to the top of the ticket. She has now offered a viable alternative and fundamentally altered the election’s trajectory in her favor.

Harris can speak about abortion freely

Biden, who is a Catholic, supports women’s right to choose and stated last year that the now-overturned Roe v. Wade “got it right,” but is not the strongest Democratic orator on the issue, given his personal religious beliefs on the issue, which is critical for women of all colors and ethnicities.

Harris, on the other hand, has already been Biden’s surrogate on the issue, becoming the first vice president to visit a Planned Parenthood clinic in March, and has made women’s right to abortion one of her central themes. Approximately 65 percent of all women oppose the Supreme Court’s decision to annul Roe v. Wade and found many of the red states passing draconian laws against abortions as despicable and chauvinist. The majority of these women will flock toward Harris, giving her a significant advantage on election day.

Harris has more time and energy to campaign

Unlike President Biden, who must still deal with increasingly mounting domestic and foreign policy issues, Harris has considerably more time to campaign nearly full-time, with the resilience and energy needed to campaign in every swing state time and again. Harris is engaging, and an increasing number of undecided voters in these crucial swing states find her refreshing with solid ideas that address their concerns.

Harris is an excellent debater

As California’s attorney general, she honed her public speaking and debating skills and became an excellent debater who is engaging, charismatic, and an outstanding communicator. Harris is very good at punching back forcefully, which puts her opponent on the defensive. In any debate with Trump, all he will be able to do is bark back and keep trying to change the subject. But he is no match for Harris’ piercing counter-attack, which may force him to lose his composure and badly expose his vulnerabilities.

Combating prejudices and mitigating disadvantages

Many Republicans have spared no time criticizing her on a range of issues, claiming that she has presumably failed in addressing the immigration problem, she is too liberal, has no experience in foreign policy, comes through as ingenuine, is fully supportive of Biden’s policies, which they consider to be an utter failure, and that she will be unable to distance herself from his agenda.

Harris will need to overcome several of these disadvantages, real or perceived. She will continue to face prejudices, particularly racism and sexism, which are hard to mitigate, as old white men would want to stop her. However, Harris can overcome most of the ideological obstacles, provided she projects herself as a uniter who is out to mend the horrific social and political schism that has affected this country to the core.

Harris needs to demonstrate that she is a moderate, mainstream Democrat, defend democracy, and draw a clear contrast with the extremist Republicans. She must focus on the economy as people are hurting and need relief. She must keep Biden’s promise to put a cap on rent increases, limit income tax on those earning less than $400,000 a year, ensure that the rich pay their fair share of taxes, ban medical debt from credit reports, and forgive student loans that have saddled borrowers with endless debt as their minimum payments hardly cover the interest they pay.

Finally, Harris knows that millions of Republicans despise Trump and wish that he would disappear from the political scene and restore sanity to a party that has lost its way—a party that stood for constructive conservatism, respected the rule of law, assumed fiscal responsibility, stood for fair and free elections, strengthened America’s alliances and leadership in the world, and stood firm against Russia and China.

These Republicans are not Hillary Clinton’s “deplorables.” They are dedicated Americans to whom Harris must appeal and solicit their involvement and even offer high-profile positions to those who want to share her vision about America’s future. As an example, she could invite Senator Mitt Romney, a staunch anti-Trump Republican and one of the few voices on the right calling to combat climate change, to serve as her Climate Czar.

Harris must now articulate that new vision for America and explain why she would be the best person to lead the country at this historic, fateful time in American history. Harris must make a new contract with America founded on unity of purpose, growth, and prosperity while safeguarding our democracy with zeal.

Harris can win this election; I believe she will because America is desperately ready for change, and Harris is best positioned to lead the way.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for
Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Many Afghan women have turned to online business despite its risks, as all forms of work are forbidden for women. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
Jul 30 2024 (IPS)

The Taliban’s total ban on women’s employment in Afghanistan leaves few options for earning a living. Nevertheless, Afghan women are carving out niches in online business with sheer determination and perseverance.

The situation remains challenging. Securing permits is difficult, and online businesses involving foreign exchange transactions are deemed haram – a crime, under sharia law. Women must also rely on a mahram—male relative or husband—for every step of the process, facing the risk of arrest and torture if they violate these rules.

Ten women were interviewed for this article. Some have found online jobs, while others have started online enterprises.

Anoshe has been selling sanitary and cosmetic products online for over a year. She previously worked as a state official in the Republican government of Afghanistan, but after the Taliban took power in 2021 she was forced to stay home and decided to import goods from a neighboring country to sell them online to support herself and her family.

Despite lacking a permit, she placed some of her money as collaterall in order to gain trust with the seller. “I waited two months for my orders from Iran, fearing it was a scam,” she said.

The goods eventually arrived, allowing her to start her business, though challenges persist. Anoshe hopes the Taliban will recognize the benefits for the whole country of allowing women to conduct business in this way, rather than creating obstacles.

 

The internet is almost the only way for Afghan women to earn a living or communicate, but it is highly controlled and thus very risky. Credit: Learning Together.

 

Masouda, another online seller, has faced frustrations and fraud. She was robbed twice due to the lack of an official permit but succeeded on her third attempt. “If I could find a job with a salary of 5,000 Afghanis, I’d never work online—it’s a headache,” she says.

“In the beginning, I could not even cover my own expenses”, she complains. “I paid my internet bill from my own pocket and spent hours talking to customers patiently pitching my products”.  Masouda’s brother handles deliveries to hide her identity from the Taliban.

Mohammad Mohsen and his colleagues attempted to start a non-profit to support women in online business, but their efforts failed when the Taliban noticed a woman’s name among the leadership of the organization, and refused their permit.

“To obtain a permit, women can no longer work alone. A male family member must join to ensure their efforts are not in vain,” says Mohsen.

For many Afghan women, finding a livelihood is their primary preoccupation, especially as family members have migrated, worsening their situation.

Twenty-three-year-old Neelam, whose sister and father were her only source of financial support and they both left the country after the Taliban’s arrival, now works from home. After jumping through many hoops, she found an online job. Despite the risks of arrest and torture, she embraces the opportunity.

“We work like thieves in this market,” says Neelam. “If the Taliban learn anything about us, they will arrest and torture us. That’s why we use pseudonyms for everything we do.”

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

Opponents of the East African Crude Oil pipeline protested American International Group's continued support of the project. The protest was in New York in July. Credit: 350.org

By Promise Eze
ABUJA, Jul 30 2024 (IPS)

Following the recent Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournament in Ivory Coast, a continent-wide campaign has emerged on social media challenging the tournament’s main sponsor, TotalEnergies, over its involvement in the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

EACOP, a massive 1,443-kilometer crude oil export pipeline, is designed to transport oil from Western Uganda’s oilfields to the port of Tanga in Tanzania. TotalEnergies, a major stakeholder in the project, will extract oil from the Tilenga field and export it to the Global North.

Environmentalists argue that the project threatens the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people and the region’s fragile ecosystems. The Ugandan and Tanzanian governments have dismissed these concerns, asserting that the pipeline is essential for bolstering their economies.

Many of these campaigners, particularly environmentalists, have faced harassment and arrest.

One of them, Stephen Kwikiriza, an employee of Uganda’s Environment Governance Institute (EGI), a non-profit organization, was reportedly abducted and beaten by the Ugandan armed forces in Kampala on June 4, 2024.

After being questioned, he was abandoned hundreds of miles from the capital, highlighting the latest episode in the crackdown on environmentalists in Uganda.

TotalEnergies, through their press officer, François Sinecan, emphatically denied that the company had anything to do with the harassment of environmentalists, or was involved in legitimizing the company through sponsorship.

Sportswashing

Critics argue that TotalEnergies is exploiting Uganda and Tanzania for their oil, even as it faces numerous legal battles due to its role in the climate crisis and refusal to take responsibility.

They worry that TotalEnergies is using AFCON, the continent’s biggest football tournament, and its global viewership to enhance its image while profiting from climate-wrecking fossil fuel extraction across Africa.

“AFCON is one of the ways they [TotalEnergies] are using to legitimize their existence. They have to use the sports arena. They seem to say, ‘Look at what we are doing in Africa, and in your communities, it is to your benefit.’ Every time you look at the logo of TotalEnergies, you might be convinced that this is a big corporation that should invest [in Africa], when in actuality, they are destroying our existence,” Nkurunziza Alphonse, the Ugandan Coordinator of the Students Against EACOP Uganda, told IPS.

Alphonse was arrested in October 2022 when he led a group of students to the EU embassy in Kampala to deliver a petition against EACOP. But he is not the only student to be arrested and harassed in recent times.

On December 15 last year, Bwete Abdul Aziiz, a co-founder of the Justice Movement Uganda and a student at Kyambogo University in Kampala, rallied 50 students, including members of the movement, to protest and deliver a petition to the Ugandan parliament against the EACOP.

However, the students did not reach their destination as the police dispersed the protest and arrested Abdul Aziiz, along with three other students who are members of the movement.

“Before we were taken to the Central Police Station in Kampala, where we spent four days, we were held in an enclosed space for about an hour where the police threatened us to stop fighting the government. I was kicked in the ribs by a police officer, and other colleagues were slapped,” Abdul Aziiz told IPS.

However, Sinecan, TotalEnergies press officer, denied claims of sportwashing and involvement in the arrests of climate activists.

“Africa is part of the DNA of TotalEnergies, which has been present on the continent for ninety years and has never ceased to develop its activities and strengthen its local roots. The company employs 10,000 men and women in more than 40 African countries, working across the entire energy production and distribution chain. Every day, nearly 4 million customers visit the 4,700 service stations in the TotalEnergies network in Africa,” Sinecan told IPS.

He added that TotalEnergies  “will not tolerate any threat or attack against those who peacefully defend and promote human rights.”

“TotalEnergies has a history of engaging directly with all members of civil society, including NGOs involved in human rights issues. To this end, the company’s commitments include quarterly meetings, stakeholder dialogue, bilateral meetings, webinars on keynote topics identified by NGOs and responses to questions and concerns raised by all project stakeholders,” said Sinecan.

However, activists that IPS spoke to do not agree.

Bhekhumuzi Bhebhe, Campaigns Lead at Power Shift Africa, in a statement sent to IPS said, “Investing millions in sportswashing while undercompensating displaced households exposes a profound deceit by the French multinational. It also highlights the glaring disconnect between corporate sponsorship and genuine social responsibility.”

But the French oil giant denied claims of undercompensating displaced households, telling IPS that “as with all other aspects of the project, TotalEnergies stringently complies with local regulations and international standards (IFC).”

Football and Climate Change

The 2023 AFCON was postponed to 2024 due to adverse weather conditions, leading critics to argue that the tournament underscored the impacts of the climate crisis, for which TotalEnergies and other oil majors are largely responsible.

Richard Heede of the Climate Accountability Project has described EACOP as a mid-sized carbon bomb. The pipeline is projected to become operational by 2025 and once completed, it is expected to contribute approximately 34 million tons of carbon emissions annually for around 25 years.

Baraka Lenga, Greenfaith Tanzania coordinator, considers this a climate disaster.

“For capitalists and businessmen, EACOP implies making billions of dollars. TotalEnergies does not care about human rights but about money. In Tanzania, over 70 percent of citizens depend on agriculture, yet instead of being concerned about the negative impacts of EACOP, TotalEnergies is focused on profit,” Lenga said.

Alagoa Morris, an environmental expert and human rights activist in Nigeria, told IPS that African governments allow oil giants to exploit communities in the continent to maintain support from the Global North, where the majority of these oil firms are based. He says this has also led to numerous oil spills in the continent.

Last year, the Nigerian government confirmed the loss of 3,000 barrels of crude oil in TotalEnergies’ spill in the oil-rich Niger-Delta region, which is already one of the most polluted areas on the planet due to frequent oil spills.

“African governments are complicit in the exploitation of the continent’s oil resources because the wealth generated from oil is then used to fuel the lust for power and wealth of a few individuals, perpetuating a cycle of corruption and environmental degradation,” Morris said.

Renewable Energies?

To do away with fossil fuels by mid-century, world leaders during cop28 held at UAE last year, pledged to keep investing in renewable energies. However, with a projected population of about 2.5 billion in 2050, many African leaders doubt that renewable energy can adequately substitute for energy obtained from fossil fuels required to produce power for a rapidly growing population in Africa.

Seyifunmi Adebote, an environmental policy expert in Nigeria, believes Africa must embrace renewable energy but according to him, “many countries on the continent lack the infrastructure to transition to renewable energy in the short run.”

Despite accusations of investing in fossil fuels, TotalEnergies told IPS that it has “dedicated USD 5 billion to renewable and low-carbon energies and will dedicate another USD 5 billion in 2024. This is the second year in a row that TotalEnergies has invested more in low-carbon energies than in new hydrocarbon projects.

“Since 2020, we have been resolutely committed to our transition strategy, which is based on two pillars: gas and electricity. Gas and low-carbon electricity are at the heart of tomorrow’s energy system. Gas is an essential transitional energy to support the rise of intermittent renewable energies and replace coal in power generation. In electricity, we are already one of the world’s biggest solar and wind power developers, which should put us in the top 5 worldwide in this sector by 2030.”

Victory In Sight

The fate of EACOP is uncertain after several financial institutions, including previous supporters of TotalEnergies, announced they would no longer back the project due to global environmental protests.

European lawmakers have also condemned and called for its delay.

For the Ugandan-based Alphonse, this marks a significant victory in the fight against EACOP, as the lack of financiers could lead to the project being suspended.

“This is the time African countries should move away from fossil fuels. Oil is destroying our continent,” he said.

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By CIVICUS
Jul 30 2024 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the upcoming Summit of the Future with Renzo Pomi, who represents Amnesty International at the United Nations (UN) in New York.

Renzo Pomi

In September, world leaders will gather at the UN World Summit of the Future to adopt the Pact for the Future. Ahead of the summit, civil society, academia and the private sector have contributed to the pact’s zero draft. Civil society sees the process as an opportunity to strengthen commitments on the environment, human rights and social justice, and CIVICUS advocates for the inclusion of language on the protection and expansion of civic space. But much work remains to be done before, during and after the summit to ensure ambitious commitments are adopted and then realised.

How did the Summit of the Future come about?

In September 2021, the UN Secretary-General released a report, ‘Our Common Agenda’, outlining global challenges and proposing a summit for world leaders to address them. Originally scheduled for September 2023, the summit was postponed due to a lack of consensus and will now take place in September 2024. Just before the opening of the 79th session of the UN General Assembly, world leaders will gather in New York to discuss the future and adopt by consensus an action-oriented document, the Pact for the Future.

The pact and its two annexes – the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations – will be the summit’s main outcome. It aims to address our global challenges through commitments in five thematic areas: sustainable development and financing for development, international peace and security, science, technology and innovation, youth and future generations, and transforming global governance. The pact will address a wide range of challenges facing humanity and the international system, and will seek to make intergovernmental institutions such as the UN more fit for the purpose they were created for.

What has the process towards the draft pact been like, and what role has civil society played in it?

The drafting process has been largely a state-owned and state-exclusive process. Germany and Namibia have co-facilitated the negotiations and presented the zero draft in January and subsequent revisions in May and July 2024.

Civil society participation has been very limited. We rely mostly on friendly states for information, as we are not in the room when negotiations take place. After each draft was released, we were invited to submit our recommendations and participate in virtual consultations to discuss the content. But, while we value these opportunities, nothing replaces the chance to be actively involved in negotiations. When you hold a virtual meeting like this, what you get is a series of hasty statements, not a real dialogue. As a result, we’ve had to lobby states to champion our issues, and it’s unclear whether our views will be reflected in the pact.

While the co-facilitators are often blamed for this, the truth is that the process was agreed by all states. The UN Charter recognises civil society as an important stakeholder, as does the Secretary-General, but many states believe the UN should be exclusively state-run and civil society shouldn’t have a place in discussing important issues.

Further, relations between civil society and the UN in New York are particularly strained compared to Geneva, where there is a more established tradition of including civil society in discussions. And the UN’s financial crisis means there’s no investment in hybrid meetings, which allow civil society organisations (CSOs) that can’t afford to travel to have a voice in meetings.

What did you advocate should be including in the pact?

We made two submissions, one before the zero draft was circulated and the other commenting on it. We analysed the whole document and focused on ensuring that a human rights perspective was adopted in every measure. Our proposals covered issues from Security Council reform to increased civil society participation in the UN.

We have long argued that Security Council permanent members should refrain from vetoing or blocking credible resolutions on serious violations such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Unfortunately, this proposal is not accurately reflected on the draft. States may at the end agree to expand the Security Council, but otherwise most of the language simply reaffirms existing commitments, such as Article 27.3 of the Charter, which prevents states involved in conflicts voting on related resolutions but is currently ignored.

We also highlighted that CSOs face several barriers to engaging with the UN. The Economic and Social Council’s NGO Committee, which reviews applications for consultative status, often acts as a gatekeeper, unfairly denying access to CSOs that challenge the positions of particular states. We have proposed dismantling this committee and setting up an independent expert mechanism to assess applications on the basis of merit rather than political considerations. However, this proposal is unlikely to be included in the pact’s final draft.

How much real impact do you think the pact will have?

We hope some of our recommendations will be included in the pact, but the geopolitical climate suggests many will not. The Secretary-General has correctly identified the challenges, but he has underestimated the difficulty of reaching consensus on meaningful commitments. International cooperation is now almost non-existent. Today’s context resembles the Cold War, where there was no room for agreement on even basic issues. In the current circumstances, it was unrealistic for the Secretary-General to think he could launch such a massive undertaking and get an action-oriented document with real commitments for reform adopted.

It is said that even in the worst moments you have to push for the best. We may not get actionable commitments, but we may still get some good language and a minimum common denominator every country can agree on.

For the pact to have a real impact, global civil society needs to push for the strongest possible commitments and their implementation. In 2005, a similar summit ended with a decision to create the Human Rights Council in place of the discredited Commission on Human Rights. Now it’s very difficult to foresee getting commitments this specific, and as we approach the summit, proposals are being watered down. Civil society will have to be very creative in finding ways to use the watered-down language to demand change.

What’s next for civil society ahead of the summit?

In the days leading up to the summit, Summit of the Future Action Days will allow civil society, states and UN bodies to propose side events. Getting selected is very difficult, as requirements include sponsorship by two member states and one UN entity, and support by a coalition or network of CSOs. As a result, only a few side events will be approved.

As the summit approaches, civil society should focus on reviewing the second revision of the pact and identifying advocacy opportunities. Chances to advance our agenda will become more limited as September approaches. States will struggle to reach consensus on a final document and there will be no space to reopen closed discussions.

Once the pact is adopted, civil society will need to continue to push for critical issues and stay vigilant in monitoring its implementation.

Get in touch with Amnesty International through its website or Facebook and Instagram pages, and follow @amnesty on Twitter.

This interview was conducted as part of the ENSURED Horizon research project funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed in this interview are those of the interviewee only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.

 

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By CIVICUS
Jul 30 2024 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the upcoming Summit of the Future with Renzo Pomi, who represents Amnesty International at the United Nations (UN) in New York.

Renzo Pomi

In September, world leaders will gather at the UN World Summit of the Future to adopt the Pact for the Future. Ahead of the summit, civil society, academia and the private sector have contributed to the pact’s zero draft. Civil society sees the process as an opportunity to strengthen commitments on the environment, human rights and social justice, and CIVICUS advocates for the inclusion of language on the protection and expansion of civic space. But much work remains to be done before, during and after the summit to ensure ambitious commitments are adopted and then realised.

How did the Summit of the Future come about?

In September 2021, the UN Secretary-General released a report, ‘Our Common Agenda’, outlining global challenges and proposing a summit for world leaders to address them. Originally scheduled for September 2023, the summit was postponed due to a lack of consensus and will now take place in September 2024. Just before the opening of the 79th session of the UN General Assembly, world leaders will gather in New York to discuss the future and adopt by consensus an action-oriented document, the Pact for the Future.

The pact and its two annexes – the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations – will be the summit’s main outcome. It aims to address our global challenges through commitments in five thematic areas: sustainable development and financing for development, international peace and security, science, technology and innovation, youth and future generations, and transforming global governance. The pact will address a wide range of challenges facing humanity and the international system, and will seek to make intergovernmental institutions such as the UN more fit for the purpose they were created for.

What has the process towards the draft pact been like, and what role has civil society played in it?

The drafting process has been largely a state-owned and state-exclusive process. Germany and Namibia have co-facilitated the negotiations and presented the zero draft in January and subsequent revisions in May and July 2024.

Civil society participation has been very limited. We rely mostly on friendly states for information, as we are not in the room when negotiations take place. After each draft was released, we were invited to submit our recommendations and participate in virtual consultations to discuss the content. But, while we value these opportunities, nothing replaces the chance to be actively involved in negotiations. When you hold a virtual meeting like this, what you get is a series of hasty statements, not a real dialogue. As a result, we’ve had to lobby states to champion our issues, and it’s unclear whether our views will be reflected in the pact.

While the co-facilitators are often blamed for this, the truth is that the process was agreed by all states. The UN Charter recognises civil society as an important stakeholder, as does the Secretary-General, but many states believe the UN should be exclusively state-run and civil society shouldn’t have a place in discussing important issues.

Further, relations between civil society and the UN in New York are particularly strained compared to Geneva, where there is a more established tradition of including civil society in discussions. And the UN’s financial crisis means there’s no investment in hybrid meetings, which allow civil society organisations (CSOs) that can’t afford to travel to have a voice in meetings.

What did you advocate should be including in the pact?

We made two submissions, one before the zero draft was circulated and the other commenting on it. We analysed the whole document and focused on ensuring that a human rights perspective was adopted in every measure. Our proposals covered issues from Security Council reform to increased civil society participation in the UN.

We have long argued that Security Council permanent members should refrain from vetoing or blocking credible resolutions on serious violations such as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Unfortunately, this proposal is not accurately reflected on the draft. States may at the end agree to expand the Security Council, but otherwise most of the language simply reaffirms existing commitments, such as Article 27.3 of the Charter, which prevents states involved in conflicts voting on related resolutions but is currently ignored.

We also highlighted that CSOs face several barriers to engaging with the UN. The Economic and Social Council’s NGO Committee, which reviews applications for consultative status, often acts as a gatekeeper, unfairly denying access to CSOs that challenge the positions of particular states. We have proposed dismantling this committee and setting up an independent expert mechanism to assess applications on the basis of merit rather than political considerations. However, this proposal is unlikely to be included in the pact’s final draft.

How much real impact do you think the pact will have?

We hope some of our recommendations will be included in the pact, but the geopolitical climate suggests many will not. The Secretary-General has correctly identified the challenges, but he has underestimated the difficulty of reaching consensus on meaningful commitments. International cooperation is now almost non-existent. Today’s context resembles the Cold War, where there was no room for agreement on even basic issues. In the current circumstances, it was unrealistic for the Secretary-General to think he could launch such a massive undertaking and get an action-oriented document with real commitments for reform adopted.

It is said that even in the worst moments you have to push for the best. We may not get actionable commitments, but we may still get some good language and a minimum common denominator every country can agree on.

For the pact to have a real impact, global civil society needs to push for the strongest possible commitments and their implementation. In 2005, a similar summit ended with a decision to create the Human Rights Council in place of the discredited Commission on Human Rights. Now it’s very difficult to foresee getting commitments this specific, and as we approach the summit, proposals are being watered down. Civil society will have to be very creative in finding ways to use the watered-down language to demand change.

What’s next for civil society ahead of the summit?

In the days leading up to the summit, Summit of the Future Action Days will allow civil society, states and UN bodies to propose side events. Getting selected is very difficult, as requirements include sponsorship by two member states and one UN entity, and support by a coalition or network of CSOs. As a result, only a few side events will be approved.

As the summit approaches, civil society should focus on reviewing the second revision of the pact and identifying advocacy opportunities. Chances to advance our agenda will become more limited as September approaches. States will struggle to reach consensus on a final document and there will be no space to reopen closed discussions.

Once the pact is adopted, civil society will need to continue to push for critical issues and stay vigilant in monitoring its implementation.

Get in touch with Amnesty International through its website or Facebook and Instagram pages, and follow @amnesty on Twitter.

This interview was conducted as part of the ENSURED Horizon research project funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed in this interview are those of the interviewee only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.

 

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Parliamentarians from across Asia met in Malaysia to discuss aging and policy. Credit: APDA

By IPS Correspondent
KUALA LUMPUR, Jul 29 2024 (IPS)

With projections that by 2060, over 1.2 billion people in Asia will be 65 or older, and by adopting technology, including artificial intelligence technologies, it is possible to plan for active and fulfilled aging, lawmakers attending a regional meeting on Aging Preparedness and Care Economy in Asia heard.

The meeting, convened by the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) Malaysia, looked at several aspects of aging, including the use of technology, digital health solutions and assistive technologies, all aimed at ensuring that governments have policy and finance in place to ensure the aging population is sufficiently catered for.

Hon. Dato’ Hjh Mumtaz Md Nawi, an MP from Malaysia, succinctly explained the repercussions of this population trend.

“The implications of this aging trend are profound, affecting everything from labour markets to healthcare systems. The increase in the older population will require substantial investments in healthcare infrastructure and long-term care services.”

For parliamentarians, this means enacting policies that support lifelong education, employment among older people, and gender equality, which will become increasingly necessary to maximize older people’s economic contributions while minimizing the risks associated with aging.

Hon. Dato Sri Alexander Nanta Linggi, an MP from Malaysia, was concerned about the impact of aging on women. Credit: APDA

The President of AFPPD in Malaysia, Hon. Dato Sri Alexander Nanta Linggi, reminded the audience that aging would impact women differently than men, especially as they have a longer life expectancy and currently constitute 61 percent of the population aged 80 and above.

“Even though they have a higher life expectancy than men, older women are often subjected to the compounded effect of ageism and gender discrimination, prevalent in both the social system and the workplace. Ageism refers to the systematic prejudices and discrimination experienced by older individuals,” Linggi noted.

Women frequently had to retire earlier, while men were able to advance in their careers well into their 60s.

“China serves as a case in point, enforcing a 10-year gender disparity by requiring women working in civil services to retire at age 50, while allowing men to retire at age 60. Likewise, Vietnam also practices similar regulation but with a five-year gap.”

This ageism unfairly limits “women’s opportunities for career development, resulting in inequitable treatment and compensation.”

Linggi urged the lawmakers to dismantle the barriers of ageism and ensure that social protections include women, especially those in the informal sector, to alleviate poverty and vulnerability, mitigate risk exposure, and enhance the ability of workers to safeguard themselves against income loss and give them equitable access to healthcare services.

He noted that Malaysia’s Self-Employed Scheme (SPS) initiative in Budget 2024 aims to offer comprehensive social protection coverage, targeting women engaging in informal sector jobs. The scheme entitles them to access to a range of benefits, including medical coverage and compensation for temporary and permanent disabilities resulting from work-related injuries.

Malaysia’s parliamentary speaker H.E. Tan Sri Dato’ (Dr.) Johari Bin Abdul reiterated lawmakers challenges for an aging population and care populations saying that was imperative to invest in and strengthen social protection programmes and health-care services; establish sustainable financing mechanisms for the elderly; upgrade the skills of the working-age population and create productive and decent jobs for older persons; and invest in research and innovation to develop new technologies and solutions that improve the quality of life for older persons, enabling them to live independently longer; while recognizing the significance of care work, value unpaid care work and promote shared responsibility within the framework of a care economy.

“As parliamentarians, we hold a crucial responsibility in formulating and executing policies that cater to the needs of the elderly. We can lead the development of inclusive policies, propose and endorse legislation to safeguard the rights and well-being of older people, and serve as advocates to increase public awareness. Additionally, parliamentarians can oversee the implementation of policies and programs, ensuring government agencies deliver effective services for the elderly community and holding them accountable when necessary. In conclusion, let us unite to face these challenges with bravery, empathy and foresight.”

Hon. Dr. Hajah Halimah Ali, MP Malaysia, said while technology is often associated with the youth, it also offers opportunities to enhance the lives of the elderly.

“Consequently, the term ‘Gerontechnology’—a technology designed to address the specific needs of the elderly—has gained worldwide recognition and should be central to any policies concerning the elderly and technology.”

Ali noted that Japan and South Korea were making strides to transform elderly care, including addressing social isolation and loneliness.

For instance, in Japan, the development of robotic caregivers such as the PARO therapeutic robot has demonstrated substantial benefits in providing companionship and reducing stress among elderly patients. “These robotic pets, which learn from interactions, recognize faces and respond with affection, have become highly popular with seniors.”

In South Korea, AI technology has been integrated into care facilities.

“AI systems can detect falls, monitor sleep patterns, and alert caregivers to any unusual behavior, thus enhancing safety and response times. For instance, a robot can keep company with an elderly person living alone and call emergency services when necessary. In nursing homes, robots assist elderly patients with daily tasks such as defecation and cleaning assistance.”

And on a lighter note, an AI robot could even “play Go with bored elderly patients,” Ali said, adding that this was not a “distant future scenario but a reality in the smart care services of Seoul, as announced by the Seoul Metropolitan Government as part of their plans for elderly care services.”

Senator Hon. Datuk Wira Dr. Hatta Bin MD Ramli agreed, adding that AI-powered devices and wearables play a crucial role in health monitoring and telemedicine as they are capable of “analyzing individual preferences, health conditions, and daily routines, enabling personalized care and assistance.”

Another advantage is that AI-powered sensors and smart devices can detect falls, unusual movements, or emergencies, promptly alerting caregivers or emergency services. AI-driven medication management systems assist older adults in organizing their medications, setting reminders for doses, and monitoring adherence to prescribed regimens.

Data analytics and predictive modeling driven by AI can identify trends, forecast health outcomes, and optimize care delivery for older adults.

Hon. Howard Lee Chuan How, Vice President of AFPPD Malaysia, highlighted that the meeting aimed to establish a collaborative framework for sharing best practices. Credit: APDA

Serving as a facilitator and session chair throughout the meeting, Hon. Howard Lee Chuan How, Vice President of AFPPD Malaysia, highlighted that the meeting aimed to establish a collaborative framework for sharing best practices and enhance international cooperation to improve policies and programs that support aging populations. He explained that while each country faces unique challenges, it is crucial to harmonize policies across the region for a unified approach to address common issues so that the countries are well-prepared to meet the challenges posed by demographic shifts.

“By leveraging our shared knowledge and resources, we will reinforce our collective commitment to building a future where our elderly are valued, cared for, and supported,” he said.

Note: The Asian Population and Development Association (APDA) and the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) in Malaysia organized the meeting. It was supported by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Parliamentarians from across Asia met in Malaysia to discuss aging and policy. Credit: APDA

By IPS Correspondent
KUALA LUMPUR, Jul 29 2024 (IPS)

With projections that by 2060, over 1.2 billion people in Asia will be 65 or older, and by adopting technology, including artificial intelligence technologies, it is possible to plan for active and fulfilled aging, lawmakers attending a regional meeting on Aging Preparedness and Care Economy in Asia heard.

The meeting, convened by the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) Malaysia, looked at several aspects of aging, including the use of technology, digital health solutions and assistive technologies, all aimed at ensuring that governments have policy and finance in place to ensure the aging population is sufficiently catered for.

Hon. Dato’ Hjh Mumtaz Md Nawi, an MP from Malaysia, succinctly explained the repercussions of this population trend.

“The implications of this aging trend are profound, affecting everything from labour markets to healthcare systems. The increase in the older population will require substantial investments in healthcare infrastructure and long-term care services.”

For parliamentarians, this means enacting policies that support lifelong education, employment among older people, and gender equality, which will become increasingly necessary to maximize older people’s economic contributions while minimizing the risks associated with aging.

Hon. Dato Sri Alexander Nanta Linggi, an MP from Malaysia, was concerned about the impact of aging on women. Credit: APDA

The President of AFPPD in Malaysia, Hon. Dato Sri Alexander Nanta Linggi, reminded the audience that aging would impact women differently than men, especially as they have a longer life expectancy and currently constitute 61 percent of the population aged 80 and above.

“Even though they have a higher life expectancy than men, older women are often subjected to the compounded effect of ageism and gender discrimination, prevalent in both the social system and the workplace. Ageism refers to the systematic prejudices and discrimination experienced by older individuals,” Linggi noted.

Women frequently had to retire earlier, while men were able to advance in their careers well into their 60s.

“China serves as a case in point, enforcing a 10-year gender disparity by requiring women working in civil services to retire at age 50, while allowing men to retire at age 60. Likewise, Vietnam also practices similar regulation but with a five-year gap.”

This ageism unfairly limits “women’s opportunities for career development, resulting in inequitable treatment and compensation.”

Linggi urged the lawmakers to dismantle the barriers of ageism and ensure that social protections include women, especially those in the informal sector, to alleviate poverty and vulnerability, mitigate risk exposure, and enhance the ability of workers to safeguard themselves against income loss and give them equitable access to healthcare services.

He noted that Malaysia’s Self-Employed Scheme (SPS) initiative in Budget 2024 aims to offer comprehensive social protection coverage, targeting women engaging in informal sector jobs. The scheme entitles them to access to a range of benefits, including medical coverage and compensation for temporary and permanent disabilities resulting from work-related injuries.

Malaysia’s parliamentary speaker H.E. Tan Sri Dato’ (Dr.) Johari Bin Abdul reiterated lawmakers challenges for an aging population and care populations saying that was imperative to invest in and strengthen social protection programmes and health-care services; establish sustainable financing mechanisms for the elderly; upgrade the skills of the working-age population and create productive and decent jobs for older persons; and invest in research and innovation to develop new technologies and solutions that improve the quality of life for older persons, enabling them to live independently longer; while recognizing the significance of care work, value unpaid care work and promote shared responsibility within the framework of a care economy.

“As parliamentarians, we hold a crucial responsibility in formulating and executing policies that cater to the needs of the elderly. We can lead the development of inclusive policies, propose and endorse legislation to safeguard the rights and well-being of older people, and serve as advocates to increase public awareness. Additionally, parliamentarians can oversee the implementation of policies and programs, ensuring government agencies deliver effective services for the elderly community and holding them accountable when necessary. In conclusion, let us unite to face these challenges with bravery, empathy and foresight.”

Hon. Dr. Hajah Halimah Ali, MP Malaysia, said while technology is often associated with the youth, it also offers opportunities to enhance the lives of the elderly.

“Consequently, the term ‘Gerontechnology’—a technology designed to address the specific needs of the elderly—has gained worldwide recognition and should be central to any policies concerning the elderly and technology.”

Ali noted that Japan and South Korea were making strides to transform elderly care, including addressing social isolation and loneliness.

For instance, in Japan, the development of robotic caregivers such as the PARO therapeutic robot has demonstrated substantial benefits in providing companionship and reducing stress among elderly patients. “These robotic pets, which learn from interactions, recognize faces and respond with affection, have become highly popular with seniors.”

In South Korea, AI technology has been integrated into care facilities.

“AI systems can detect falls, monitor sleep patterns, and alert caregivers to any unusual behavior, thus enhancing safety and response times. For instance, a robot can keep company with an elderly person living alone and call emergency services when necessary. In nursing homes, robots assist elderly patients with daily tasks such as defecation and cleaning assistance.”

And on a lighter note, an AI robot could even “play Go with bored elderly patients,” Ali said, adding that this was not a “distant future scenario but a reality in the smart care services of Seoul, as announced by the Seoul Metropolitan Government as part of their plans for elderly care services.”

Senator Hon. Datuk Wira Dr. Hatta Bin MD Ramli agreed, adding that AI-powered devices and wearables play a crucial role in health monitoring and telemedicine as they are capable of “analyzing individual preferences, health conditions, and daily routines, enabling personalized care and assistance.”

Another advantage is that AI-powered sensors and smart devices can detect falls, unusual movements, or emergencies, promptly alerting caregivers or emergency services. AI-driven medication management systems assist older adults in organizing their medications, setting reminders for doses, and monitoring adherence to prescribed regimens.

Data analytics and predictive modeling driven by AI can identify trends, forecast health outcomes, and optimize care delivery for older adults.

Hon. Howard Lee Chuan How, Vice President of AFPPD Malaysia, highlighted that the meeting aimed to establish a collaborative framework for sharing best practices. Credit: APDA

Serving as a facilitator and session chair throughout the meeting, Hon. Howard Lee Chuan How, Vice President of AFPPD Malaysia, highlighted that the meeting aimed to establish a collaborative framework for sharing best practices and enhance international cooperation to improve policies and programs that support aging populations. He explained that while each country faces unique challenges, it is crucial to harmonize policies across the region for a unified approach to address common issues so that the countries are well-prepared to meet the challenges posed by demographic shifts.

“By leveraging our shared knowledge and resources, we will reinforce our collective commitment to building a future where our elderly are valued, cared for, and supported,” he said.

Note: The Asian Population and Development Association (APDA) and the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD) in Malaysia organized the meeting. It was supported by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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• Lao PDR Lawmakers Meet to Further ICPD25 Programme of Action
• Building Resilience and Mental Health Capacity of Youth

March for rights in Asunción, capital of Paraguay. Credit Patricia López

By Mónica Centrón, Isabella Camargo and Bibbi Abruzzini
ASUNCIÓN, Paraguay, Jul 29 2024 (IPS)

In a move that has aroused national and international concern, the Paraguayan Senate has given preliminary approval to a controversial bill that imposes strict controls on NGOs in a case of ‘bureaucratic criminalisation’.

The landscape has become increasingly hostile to the activities of civil society organisations, with several laws representing a rollback of historically defended fundamental rights.

‘Additional bureaucratic hurdles”: the effects of new legislation

Non-profit organisations in the country have to deal with a variety of formalities and ongoing procedures before various public bodies. The proposed legislation, promoted by the ruling Colorado Party, now introduces additional registrations for all NGOs and strict reporting requirements. Under the pretext of improving transparency and accountability, the legislation represents a significant threat to democracy and the operational freedom of civil society in Paraguay.

Controversial elements of the bill include a new mandatory registration with the Ministry of Economy and Finance – which would be the law’s implementing authority – for all organisations receiving public or private funds of national or international origin, detailed reporting of all activities, detailed semi-annual financial reports, and severe penalties for non-compliance, including heavy fines and the possibility of dissolution of NGOs. Critics argue that these ‘legal-political arrangements’ are disproportionate and serve more to intimidate and control NGOs than to promote real accountability.

March for rights in Asunción, capital of Paraguay. Credit Patricia López

What civil society says

The passage of this bill comes in a broader context of growing authoritarianism in Paraguay. Since the 2023 elections, there have been several concerns about the ruling party’s consolidation of power and its impact on democratic institutions. The media, opposition parties and civil society organisations have faced increasing pressures, raising fears of a regression to the authoritarian practices of the past.

Monica Centron, Executive Coordinator of the national NGO platform, POJOAJU, emphasises the broader implications of such legislation for democracy: ‘This law threatens the fundamental rights enshrined in our constitution. It undermines the role of civil society in holding government accountable and promoting social justice. NGOs promote transparency and accountability, we have legislation that obliges us to account for our actions such as the Civil Code, reports to Seprelad (Secretariat for the Prevention of Money or Asset Laundering), the Treasury Attorney’s Office, banks, the National Directorate of Tax Revenue, among others’.

Raúl Monte Domecq, from POJOAJU’s coordination team, highlighted the possible adverse effects for smaller NGOs: ‘The administrative burdens and the threat of severe sanctions could lead many smaller organisations to close down. This will have a devastating impact on the communities they serve, particularly the most vulnerable’.

‘It must be understood that we have adopted for our Republic a Social State of Law and as a form of government representative, participatory and pluralist democracy, as enshrined in the National Constitution. The paths of dialogue and consultation, and not the opposite, are necessary requirements for the strengthening of our still incipient process of democratisation,’ says Gladys Casaccia, also a member of the POJOAJU Coordination team.

A threat to democratic principles

The bill has faced strong opposition from various sectors, including religious leaders, civil society organisations and international human rights bodies.

Marta Hurtado, spokesperson for the UN Human Rights Office, said the bill would ‘impose substantial restrictions on NGO funding’ and ‘obstruct the exercise of freedoms of association and expression’.

Ana Piquer, Amnesty International’s Americas director, said that ‘this bill subjects civil society organisations to arbitrary and abusive state control, without giving them the opportunity to defend themselves. It puts human rights defenders and the communities they serve at significant risk’.

Just a few days ago, several UN Special Rapporteurs have joined forces to communicate to the government of Paraguay their concern about the possible approval of the Draft Law on the Control of Non-Profit Organisations.

Cardinal Adalberto Martinez, has urged the Senate to delay the bill, which will be discussed in less than 2 weeks from now, and initiate a dialogue with the affected sectors. ‘This bill could have serious consequences for our representative, participatory and pluralistic democratic system,’ he warned, emphasising the need for inclusive discussions.

This legislative measure also follows a worrying trend observed in other countries where governments have introduced restrictive laws to curb the influence and operations of civil society. By limiting access to international funding and imposing strict oversight, these laws effectively weaken civil society’s ability to operate independently and advocate for human rights and democratic governance.

Call for action

In light of these developments, POJOAJU and other civil society organisations call for urgent action:

• Postponement and dialogue: they urge the government to halt the legislative process and engage in meaningful consultations with civil society to review the draft law.
• Protection of rights: They demand that any new regulatory framework respect constitutional rights and international human rights standards, ensuring that it promotes genuine transparency without undermining the independence of civil society.
• International solidarity: Civil society and governments are also being urged to call for dialogue with the Paraguayan government to reconsider this draft law in law. The stakes are high, not only for Paraguay, but also for the precedent it could set in the region.

Mónica Centrón, POJOAJU, Isabella Camargo and Bibbi Abruzzini, Forus

This article is written by the Forus network in partnership with POJOAJU. For more on the “bureocratic criminalisation” of civil society, consult Abong’s report detailing the context in Brazil under Bolsanaro’s presidency here.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Women waiting to be screened for cervical cancer at a hospital in the Zimbabwean capital Harare. Zimbabwe has rising cancer cases and deaths the detection of the disease often comes too late. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo/IPS

By Jeffrey Moyo
HARARE, Jul 29 2024 (IPS)

Earlier this year, then 46-year-old Lydia Musundiwa, based in the Zimbabwean capital Harare, was diagnosed with colon cancer, which, already at an advanced stage, killed her in less than two months.

Now, Landeni, her 49-year-old widower, has to contend with the burden of looking after their three children single-handedly.

In Zimbabwe, a lack of cancer awareness and radiotherapy treatment is problematic, as cancer is only picked up in the late stages.

Based on the Global Cancer Observatory data, four years ago, Zimbabwe reported 16,083 new cases of cancer and 10,676 deaths due to the disease.

On X, formerly Twitter, Hopewell Chin’ono, a renowned Zimbabwean freelance journalist and documentary filmmaker with thousands of followers on his handle, has gone on record protesting the ravages of cancer in the Southern African nation, which he calls a “carefree” regime.

“Zimbabwe doesn’t have a single working radiotherapy cancer treatment machine. If you get cancer in Zimbabwe today, it’s a death sentence. You will die,” Chin’ono said.

The Zimbabwean government last year came out in the state media claiming it had purchased new, advanced radiotherapy machines used to treat cancer.

However, appearing before the country’s Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Health and Child Care last year in March, Zimbabwe’s Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Health, Jasper Chimedza, said the country had only a single functional radiotherapy machine to service all the country’s cancer patients.

As a result, many Zimbabweans, like Lydia, have had the disease detected at an advanced stage, resulting in a painful demise.

Unable to afford private healthcare, Zimbabwe’s cancer patients, both young and old, very often die without treatment.

One such young patient is 22-year-old Tangai Chaurura, who suffers from liver cancer and, doctors told him the cancer is already at stage four. His brother, Mevion, says Chaurura is now only receiving home-based care.

“We are just waiting for his final day. We can’t lie to ourselves that he will live given his dire condition now unless a miracle happens,” Chaurura’s brother, Mevion, told IPS.

There are no recorded statistics for the young people battling cancer in this Southern African nation, but the Zimbabwe National Cancer Registry’s latest statistics show that 7,841 new cancer cases were diagnosed in 2018.

Then, the majority of the cancers recorded were cervical cancer, prostate cancer and breast cancer.

However, the Cancer Association of Zimbabwe says that cancer is not necessarily a death sentence.

“There are quite a number of myths and misconceptions about cancer and that is one of the reasons why people think that having cancer is actually a death sentence, but at the Cancer Association of Zimbabwe, we know that is not true,” the association’s information research and evaluation officer, Lovemore Makurirofa, told IPS.

Makurirofa said cancers were increasing every year in Zimbabwe and these, to him, were officially recorded cases at public hospitals, with many other cancer cases going unnoticed.

As cancer ravages many in Zimbabwe, Makurirofa said the answer lies in “leading a healthy lifestyle where people have a good diet and exercise.”

A Zimbabwean government health official said many people were succumbing to cancer because of the late detection of the disease.

Last year, in Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya and Zimbabwe, the World Health Organization launched an initiative to support better access to breast and cervical cancer detection, treatment and care services.

Then, remarking at the initiative, Dr. Matshidiso Moeti, the WHO Regional Director for Africa, said: “Early detection is a key contributor to better cancer treatment outcomes. With this approach, we aim to bolster the role of primary health care services to help avert the excess mortality of African women from preventable cancers.”

The WHO, however, says that limited access to early detection, diagnosis, and treatment services, as well as a lack of awareness of the disease, have made early detection difficult throughout Africa and Zimbabwe in particular.

With Zimbabwe not spared, based on the 2018 Global Survey of Clinical Oncology Workforce, a single oncologist provides care for between 500 and 1000 patients across many African countries, which is up to four times the International Atomic Energy Agency recommendation of 200 to 250 patients per oncologist.

Zimbabwean cancer activists like Bakie Padzaronda, based in New Jersey in the USA, have said cancer treatment in Zimbabwe is on the expensive side, making it unaffordable for many.

“Medication and treatment must not be as punitive as they are today. It needs to be affordable and we expect the government to look into this seriously by subsidizing the costs of treatment. Hospitals must be equipped with proper and modern medical equipment,” Padzaronda told IPS.

But as cancer cases keep rising in Zimbabwe, cancer experts like Michelle Madzudzo have said the country’s growing aging population and urbanization contribute to the disease.

“The rise in cancer cases can be attributed to aging populations, urbanization and changes in lifestyle,” Madzudzo told IPS. “In our country, cancer mortality rates are high due to various factors, which include late detection and diagnosis.”

Founder and president of Talk Cancer Zimbabwe, an organization whose mandate is to help improve cancer awareness, Madzudzo is a Zimbabwean radiation therapist.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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How youth-led solutions are shaping the future of early childhood education. Credit: United Nations

By Robert Jenkins and Kevin Frey
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 29 2024 (IPS)

Around the world, young people are driving change to ensure our youngest learners get the best start in life.

In rural Kenya, Aisha, a young female entrepreneur trained through a UNICEF-supported programme, has started her own Early Childhood Education (ECE) centre. This centre provides quality early learning to over 50 children and creates jobs for other young women as teachers and support staff.

The impact of Aisha’s work is profound: more children are ready for school, and more young women in her community are economically empowered.

More than 4,000 miles away, in a densely populated informal settlement in Dhaka, Rahim, a young entrepreneur, demonstrates that entrepreneurship and early childhood education are opportunities for all youth to participate in.

Using training and seed funding from UNICEF he has established an early childhood education centre, offering flexible hours and affordable fees. His centre has become an invaluable resource for working parents looking for quality early learning for their children while also employing young people from the local community.

Through the efforts of young people like Aisha and Rahim, a brighter future is being forged for the world’s children, one young entrepreneur at a time.

Right now, more than half of the world’s youngest learners — 175 million children — lack access to early childhood education.

Addressing gaps in early childhood education can enhance school readiness and help combat the persistent cycle of low achievement and high dropout rates that affect children who fall behind in these formative years — a pattern of underachievement which follows children into adulthood.

Youth-led entrepreneurial initiatives offering early learning services can be a game changer in addressing these gaps.

Mobilizing the power of youth to expand early childhood care and education services not only addresses the critical gaps in education access but also showcases the tremendous impact of investing in initiatives that could transform the future of 267 million young people globally, who are not in employment, education, or training.

Skilling young men and women as providers of early childhood services generates livelihood options and decent jobs for educated youth. With expanded early childhood education, young parents can also pursue their own education and career goals.

Young entrepreneurs bring fresh perspectives, energy, and a deep understanding of the local context, making them well-positioned to drive improvements in early learning services. With the right training and support, they can create sustainable solutions to specific needs and become vital pillars and champions of early childhood education in their communities – building a brighter tomorrow, with innovative solutions today!

Skilling for Success

UNICEF and Generation Unlimited are dedicated to empowering young entrepreneurs with comprehensive skills and scaling the establishment of high-quality early learning centres. Initiatives such as the UNICEF’s Venture Fund and Innovation Challenge, and Generation Unlimited’s imaGen Ventures Youth Challenge have been effective in building young people’s life skills as well as a blend of entrepreneurial, management and financial skills required to establish and run a successful enterprise.

When these skills are combined with further training on play-based learning and parental engagement strategies, young entrepreneurs can ensure their early childhood education services follow age-appropriate learning strategies and effectively engage parents in the learning process, thereby bolstering enrollment and caregiver involvement in school activities, events, and projects.

Numerous success stories exemplify the transformative impact of these programmes. In South Africa, UNICEF and Generation Unlimited have partnered with the University of Pretoria, and Price Waterhouse Coopers to establish the Mamelodi Business Hub, training young South Africans in micro-business management and financial literacy.

Young entrepreneurs from this initiative have founded the Ikhaya Labantwana Montessori project to expand access to early childhood education and care in rural areas. Applying a similar approach in a humanitarian context, UNICEF partnered with the Government of Jordan to train young people in Za’atari refugee camp to deliver early learning and psychosocial services in Makani centres.

On World Youth Skills Day, (which is commemorated annually on July 15), let us commit to supporting young people in creating innovative, sustainable solutions for early childhood education. To do this, we must fuel innovations that empower youth with the appropriate skills, support and resources to establish and run high quality services.

Education decision-makers, investors, and governments must adopt supportive strategies, including developing youth-friendly policy frameworks, providing accredited training and mentorship, offering financial support, and fostering networks and partnerships to create a robust support system for young entrepreneurs.

Together, we can build a brighter tomorrow for children, families, and communities worldwide by empowering educated young girls and boys to be the early childhood champions and changemakers of today.

Robert Jenkins is the Global Director, Education and Adolescent Development, UNICEF; Kevin Frey is the CEO of Generation Unlimited

Source: UNICEF

IPS UN Bureau

 

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An igapó, a flood-prone wooded area on the Vuelta Grande of the Xingu River, with fruit on the dry ground. This is where the piracema, or fish reproduction, was supposed to take place, frustrated by the scarcity of water released by the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant on this stretch of the river in the eastern Brazilian Amazon. The fruits are lost and stop feeding the fish by falling on the ground and not in the water. Credit: Mati / VGX

By Mario Osava
BELÉM, Brazil, Jul 28 2024 (IPS)

The decade-and-a-half-long battle for life in the so-called Volta Grande (Big Bend) of the Xingu river, a stretch of the river dewatered by the Belo Monte hydroelectric power plant in the Brazilian Amazon, has a possible solution, albeit a partial one.

The mega power project divided the waters of the Xingu. It has taken up most of the river and emptied the now 130-kilometre U-shaped Reduced Flow Stretch (TVR, in Portuguese), whose banks are home to two indigenous groups and a community, all affected by the depletion of fish, the basis of their livelihood.“We have become illiterate about the river, and the fish. We no longer know how to read what is happening in the river”: river dweller.

A proposal drawn up by these villagers and scientific researchers makes it possible to recover the minimum conditions for the reproduction of fish, which have declined since the plant began operations in 2016. The goal is to mitigate the project’s negative impacts on the people living in the area.

But Norte Energía, the concessionaire of Belo Monte, estimates that this alternative would cost it a 39% reduction in its electricity generation. The dilemma pits the vital needs of the riverside population against the company’s economic feasibility.

Belo Monte, 700 kilometres southwest of Belém, is one of major power and logistics projects that abounded in Latin America in the first two decades of this century. It is the third largest hydroelectric plant in the world, with a capacity of 11,233 megawatts and an expected effective generation of only 40% on average.

Josiel Juruna, speaking at a July meeting of the Brazilian Society for the Advancement of Science, in the city of Belém, in the Brazilian Amazon. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

The Xingu river in the eastern Amazon region attracted energy interest because of its average flow of 7,966 cubic metres per second and the gradient that allowed Belo Monte to have its main power plant with a water fall of 87 metres.

But its flow has excessive variations, with floods 20 times higher than its low water level. With less than 1,000 cubic metres per second in low water, it lowers the plant’s average annual generation.

To prevent the flooding of the Volta Grande of the Xingu (VGX) and, within it, of the two indigenous lands of the Juruna and Arara peoples, a canal was built to connect the two points of the curve, diverting about 70% of the river’s waters and draining the life out of the curved section.

A sarobal, an island of stones and sand, prone to flooding in the Vuelta Grande of Xingu, in Brazil’s eastern Amazon. It used to be a fish breeding site, but lost that function due to the water shortage caused by the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant, which diverted 70% of the river’s water into a channel used for power generation. Credit: Mati / VGX

The power plant and the ecosystem’s disruption

In addition to taking away water, the project disrupted the environment, especially water cycles, and thus human, animal and plant life. “We have become illiterate about the river, and the fish. We no longer know how to read what is happening in the river,” said a river dweller at a hearing organised by the Public Prosecutor’s Office in August 2022.

Piracema, the upstream migration of shoals of fish during spawning, is vital to sustain livelihoods in the VGX, stresses Josiel Juruna, local coordinator of the Independent Territorial Environmental Monitoring (Mati).

Belo Monte deteriorated the quality of life of river dwellers by making piracema unviable.

That is why Mati, led by some 30 university scientists and local researchers, prioritised the monitoring and recovery of the piracema, understood as a site for procreation, apart from monitoring and measuring other ecological aspects in the stretch most affected by the hydroelectric plant.

An Independent Environmental and Territorial Monitoring team observes critical points in the low-flow section of the Xingu river, whose waters have been diverted to the canal that feeds the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant in the Brazilian Amazon. Credit: Courtesy of Juarez Pezzuti

As a result of their participatory research, launched in 2014 by the Juruna people and the non-governmental Instituto Socioambiental, in 2022 Mati presented to environmental authorities the Piracema Hydrograph, which indicates the flow necessary for the reproduction of fish in the VGX.

This is an alternative to hydrographs A and B, which govern the flow of water that Belo Monte releases to the VGX, in defined quantities for each month, to meet the conditions agreed for the operation of the hydroelectric plant. They are also called Consensus hydrographs, applied according to different pluviometric conditions.

These flows were defined in the environmental impact studies carried out by specialised companies, but paid for by Norte Energía, to obtain the license for the construction and operation of the plant.

A sample of the hydrographs that should govern the amount of water destined each month to the Vuelta Grande of the Xingu river to sustain its ecological functions. In purple and with flow figures for each month, the hydrograph proposed by indigenous people, riverside dwellers and scientific researchers to recover the lower and more productive piracemas. Credit: Mati / VGX

Piracema, key to river life

Indigenous people have always disagreed with these hydrographs because they do not ensure the necessary flow for maintaining the ecosystem, which is indispensable for the fish, the basis of their diet and the income they obtain from the sale of surplus fish.

It releases insufficient water at inappropriate times, ignoring the dynamics of the piracema, according to Juruna.

“The Belo Monte hydrograph only allows flooding in April, but the piracema requires lots of water between January and March, so that it fills the sarobal and igapós, where the female fish arrive to spawn and then the males for fertilisation,” he told IPS in Belém.

The word sarobal in Brazil defines an island of stone and sand, flooded and with vegetation of grasses and shrubs that provide food for the fish. Igapó is also a flooded area of banks and small waterways, with trees and vegetation that produce fruit and other foodstuffs.

Without water, the fish do not have access to their breeding grounds or to the fruits, which fall on the dry ground. Juruna often shows a video of a curimatá, a fish abundant in the Xingu, with dried eggs in its belly. It “couldn’t spawn” because there was no water in the piracema at the right time, he explained.

Apart from more water, the Piracema Hydrograph requires bringing forward the release of more water for the Vuelta Grande by at least three months. And maintaining the flood for a few months is also indispensable to feed the fish with the fruits falling in the water and not on the ground.

In fact, it is necessary to increase the flow of the VGX with ‘new water’ from November onwards, so that the fish start to migrate. “Without the right amount of water at the right time, there is no piracema”, the basis of river life, stresses a Mati report.

Fish killed by a fall in water flow in the Xingu river’s Vuelta Grande. Credit: Mati / VGX

Irrecoverable way of life

The Piracema Hydrograph will not restore the former way of life in the Vuelta Grande. That would require restoring past conditions, without the hydroelectric plant, admitted Juruna. His goal is to rehabilitate “the lower piracemas”, i.e. the sarobals and the floodable igapós with a little more water than what Belo Monte releases.

“The higher piracemas will no longer exist,” he lamented.

There will be no fish as before, the Juruna have already become farmers and mainly cultivate cocoa. A recovery of the piracemas will allow them to fish for their own food, but hardly for sale and income, he said.

Community life has declined among the indigenous people, who increasingly feed themselves on ‘city products’ and move more and more to Altamira, a city 50 kilometres away from the indigenous land of Paquiçamba, where the Jurunas live.

With Belo Monte, a road to the city was built and motorbikes have multiplied in the indigenous village, Juruna observed. Their way of life has been profoundly altered, but the indigenous people are resisting the death of their river and the Mati have added their traditional knowledge to scientific research.

Biologist Juarez Pezzuti, a professor at the Federal University of Pará, based in Belém, and a member of Mati, believes it necessary to dispel the idea of Belo Monte and other hydroelectric plants, especially those in the Amazon, as sources of sustainable energy.

“They emit greenhouse gases in a similar proportion to fossil-fuel thermoelectric plants,” he told IPS. In addition to flooding vegetation when the reservoir is formed, they continue to do so afterwards, because as their waters recede, the vegetation that will later be flooded is renewed.

Their downstream impacts are only now beginning to be studied. In the Amazon, they dry up the igapós, as has already been seen in the Balbina power plant near Manaus, capital of the neighbouring state of Amazonas.

It is a technology in decline, whose social, environmental and climatic costs tend to be better recognised and call into question its benefits, he concluded.

An igapó, a flood-prone wooded area on the Vuelta Grande of the Xingu River, with fruit on the dry ground. This is where the piracema, or fish reproduction, was supposed to take place, frustrated by the scarcity of water released by the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant on this stretch of the river in the eastern Brazilian Amazon. The fruits are lost and stop feeding the fish by falling on the ground and not in the water. Credit: Mati / VGX

By Mario Osava
BELÉM, Brazil, Jul 28 2024 (IPS)

The decade-and-a-half-long battle for life in the so-called Volta Grande (Big Bend) of the Xingu river, a stretch of the river dewatered by the Belo Monte hydroelectric power plant in the Brazilian Amazon, has a possible solution, albeit a partial one.

The mega power project divided the waters of the Xingu. It has taken up most of the river and emptied the now 130-kilometre U-shaped Reduced Flow Stretch (TVR, in Portuguese), whose banks are home to two indigenous groups and a community, all affected by the depletion of fish, the basis of their livelihood.“We have become illiterate about the river, and the fish. We no longer know how to read what is happening in the river”: river dweller.

A proposal drawn up by these villagers and scientific researchers makes it possible to recover the minimum conditions for the reproduction of fish, which have declined since the plant began operations in 2016. The goal is to mitigate the project’s negative impacts on the people living in the area.

But Norte Energía, the concessionaire of Belo Monte, estimates that this alternative would cost it a 39% reduction in its electricity generation. The dilemma pits the vital needs of the riverside population against the company’s economic feasibility.

Belo Monte, 700 kilometres southwest of Belém, is one of major power and logistics projects that abounded in Latin America in the first two decades of this century. It is the third largest hydroelectric plant in the world, with a capacity of 11,233 megawatts and an expected effective generation of only 40% on average.

Josiel Juruna, speaking at a July meeting of the Brazilian Society for the Advancement of Science, in the city of Belém, in the Brazilian Amazon. Credit: Mario Osava / IPS

The Xingu river in the eastern Amazon region attracted energy interest because of its average flow of 7,966 cubic metres per second and the gradient that allowed Belo Monte to have its main power plant with a water fall of 87 metres.

But its flow has excessive variations, with floods 20 times higher than its low water level. With less than 1,000 cubic metres per second in low water, it lowers the plant’s average annual generation.

To prevent the flooding of the Volta Grande of the Xingu (VGX) and, within it, of the two indigenous lands of the Juruna and Arara peoples, a canal was built to connect the two points of the curve, diverting about 70% of the river’s waters and draining the life out of the curved section.

A sarobal, an island of stones and sand, prone to flooding in the Vuelta Grande of Xingu, in Brazil’s eastern Amazon. It used to be a fish breeding site, but lost that function due to the water shortage caused by the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant, which diverted 70% of the river’s water into a channel used for power generation. Credit: Mati / VGX

The power plant and the ecosystem’s disruption

In addition to taking away water, the project disrupted the environment, especially water cycles, and thus human, animal and plant life. “We have become illiterate about the river, and the fish. We no longer know how to read what is happening in the river,” said a river dweller at a hearing organised by the Public Prosecutor’s Office in August 2022.

Piracema, the upstream migration of shoals of fish during spawning, is vital to sustain livelihoods in the VGX, stresses Josiel Juruna, local coordinator of the Independent Territorial Environmental Monitoring (Mati).

Belo Monte deteriorated the quality of life of river dwellers by making piracema unviable.

That is why Mati, led by some 30 university scientists and local researchers, prioritised the monitoring and recovery of the piracema, understood as a site for procreation, apart from monitoring and measuring other ecological aspects in the stretch most affected by the hydroelectric plant.

An Independent Environmental and Territorial Monitoring team observes critical points in the low-flow section of the Xingu river, whose waters have been diverted to the canal that feeds the Belo Monte hydroelectric plant in the Brazilian Amazon. Credit: Courtesy of Juarez Pezzuti

As a result of their participatory research, launched in 2014 by the Juruna people and the non-governmental Instituto Socioambiental, in 2022 Mati presented to environmental authorities the Piracema Hydrograph, which indicates the flow necessary for the reproduction of fish in the VGX.

This is an alternative to hydrographs A and B, which govern the flow of water that Belo Monte releases to the VGX, in defined quantities for each month, to meet the conditions agreed for the operation of the hydroelectric plant. They are also called Consensus hydrographs, applied according to different pluviometric conditions.

These flows were defined in the environmental impact studies carried out by specialised companies, but paid for by Norte Energía, to obtain the license for the construction and operation of the plant.

A sample of the hydrographs that should govern the amount of water destined each month to the Vuelta Grande of the Xingu river to sustain its ecological functions. In purple and with flow figures for each month, the hydrograph proposed by indigenous people, riverside dwellers and scientific researchers to recover the lower and more productive piracemas. Credit: Mati / VGX

Piracema, key to river life

Indigenous people have always disagreed with these hydrographs because they do not ensure the necessary flow for maintaining the ecosystem, which is indispensable for the fish, the basis of their diet and the income they obtain from the sale of surplus fish.

It releases insufficient water at inappropriate times, ignoring the dynamics of the piracema, according to Juruna.

“The Belo Monte hydrograph only allows flooding in April, but the piracema requires lots of water between January and March, so that it fills the sarobal and igapós, where the female fish arrive to spawn and then the males for fertilisation,” he told IPS in Belém.

The word sarobal in Brazil defines an island of stone and sand, flooded and with vegetation of grasses and shrubs that provide food for the fish. Igapó is also a flooded area of banks and small waterways, with trees and vegetation that produce fruit and other foodstuffs.

Without water, the fish do not have access to their breeding grounds or to the fruits, which fall on the dry ground. Juruna often shows a video of a curimatá, a fish abundant in the Xingu, with dried eggs in its belly. It “couldn’t spawn” because there was no water in the piracema at the right time, he explained.

Apart from more water, the Piracema Hydrograph requires bringing forward the release of more water for the Vuelta Grande by at least three months. And maintaining the flood for a few months is also indispensable to feed the fish with the fruits falling in the water and not on the ground.

In fact, it is necessary to increase the flow of the VGX with ‘new water’ from November onwards, so that the fish start to migrate. “Without the right amount of water at the right time, there is no piracema”, the basis of river life, stresses a Mati report.

Fish killed by a fall in water flow in the Xingu river’s Vuelta Grande. Credit: Mati / VGX

Irrecoverable way of life

The Piracema Hydrograph will not restore the former way of life in the Vuelta Grande. That would require restoring past conditions, without the hydroelectric plant, admitted Juruna. His goal is to rehabilitate “the lower piracemas”, i.e. the sarobals and the floodable igapós with a little more water than what Belo Monte releases.

“The higher piracemas will no longer exist,” he lamented.

There will be no fish as before, the Juruna have already become farmers and mainly cultivate cocoa. A recovery of the piracemas will allow them to fish for their own food, but hardly for sale and income, he said.

Community life has declined among the indigenous people, who increasingly feed themselves on ‘city products’ and move more and more to Altamira, a city 50 kilometres away from the indigenous land of Paquiçamba, where the Jurunas live.

With Belo Monte, a road to the city was built and motorbikes have multiplied in the indigenous village, Juruna observed. Their way of life has been profoundly altered, but the indigenous people are resisting the death of their river and the Mati have added their traditional knowledge to scientific research.

Biologist Juarez Pezzuti, a professor at the Federal University of Pará, based in Belém, and a member of Mati, believes it necessary to dispel the idea of Belo Monte and other hydroelectric plants, especially those in the Amazon, as sources of sustainable energy.

“They emit greenhouse gases in a similar proportion to fossil-fuel thermoelectric plants,” he told IPS. In addition to flooding vegetation when the reservoir is formed, they continue to do so afterwards, because as their waters recede, the vegetation that will later be flooded is renewed.

Their downstream impacts are only now beginning to be studied. In the Amazon, they dry up the igapós, as has already been seen in the Balbina power plant near Manaus, capital of the neighbouring state of Amazonas.

It is a technology in decline, whose social, environmental and climatic costs tend to be better recognised and call into question its benefits, he concluded.

Members of the indigenous guard of the native community of Puerto Nuevo, of the Amazonian Kakataibo people, located in the central-eastern jungle of Peru. Credit: Courtesy of Marcelo Odicio

By Mariela Jara
LIMA, Jul 26 2024 (IPS)

The invasion of lands inhabited by Amazon indigenous communities is growing in Peru, due to drug trafficking mafias that are expanding coca crops to produce and export cocaine, while deforestation and insecurity for the native populations and their advocates are increasing

“Drug trafficking is not a myth or something new in this area, and we are the ones who defend our right to live in peace in our land,” said Kakataibo indigenous leader Marcelo Odicio, from the municipality of Aguaytía, capital of the province of Padre Abad, in the Amazonian department of Ucayali.“We are the ones who pay the consequences, we are visible to criminals, we are branded as informers, but I will continue to defend our rights. Along with the indigenous guard we will ensure that the autonomy of our territory is respected,” Marcelo Odicio.

Of the 33 million inhabitants of the South American country, around 800,000 belong to 51 Amazonian indigenous peoples. Overall, 96.4% of the indigenous population is Quechua and Aymara, six million of whom live in the Andean areas, while the Amazonian jungle peoples account for the remaining 3.6%.

The Peruvian government is constantly criticised for failing to meet the needs and demands of this population, who suffer multiple disadvantages in health, education, income generation and access to opportunities, as well as the growing impact of drug trafficking, illegal logging and mining.

A clear example of this is the situation of the Kakataibo people in two of their native communities, Puerto Nuevo and Sinchi Roca, in the border between the departments of Huánuco and Ucayali, in the central-eastern Peruvian jungle region.

For years they have been reporting and resisting the presence of invaders who cut down the forests for illegal purposes, while the government pays no heed and takes no action.

The most recent threat has led them to deploy their indigenous guard to defend themselves against new groups of outsiders who, through videos, have proclaimed their decision to occupy the territories over which the Kakataibo people have ancestral rights, which are backed by titles granted by the departmental authorities.

Six Kakataibo leaders who defended their lands and way of life were murdered in recent years. The latest was Mariano Isacama, whose body was found by the indigenous guard on Sunday 14 July after being missing for weeks.

In his interview with IPS, Odicio, president of the Native Federation of Kakataibo Communities (Fenacoka), lamented the authorities’ failure to find Isacama. The leader from the native community of Puerto Azul had been threatened by people linked to drug trafficking, suspects the federation.

Marcelo Odicio, president of the Native Federation of Kakataibo Communities, headquartered in the town of Aguaytía, in the department of Ucayal, in the Peruvian Amazon. Credit: Inforegión

During a press conference in Lima on 17 July, the Interethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Jungle (Aidesep), that brings together 109 federations representing 2,439 native communities, deplored the government’s indifference in the situation of the disappeared and murdered leader, which brings to 35 the number of Amazonian indigenous people murdered between 2023 and 2024.

Aidesep declared the territory of the Amazonian indigenous peoples under emergency and called for self-defence and protection mechanisms against what they called “unpunished violence unleashed by drug trafficking, mining and illegal logging under the protection of authorities complicit in neglect, inaction and corruption.”

Lack of vision for the Amazon

The province of Aguaytía, where the municipality of Padre de Abad is located and where the Kakataibo live, among other indigenous peoples, will account for 4.3% of the area under coca leaf cultivation by 2023, around 4,019 hectares, according to the latest report by the government’s National Commission for Development and Life without Drugs (Devida).

It is the sixth largest production area of this crop in the country.

The report highlights that Peru reduced illicit coca crops by just over 2% between 2022 and 2023, from 95,008 to 92,784 hectares, thus halting the trend of permanent expansion over the last seven years.

These figures are called into question by Ricardo Soberón, an expert on drug policy, security and Amazonia.

Ricardo Soberón, a renowned Peruvian expert on drug policy, Amazonia and security. Credit: Walter Hupiú / IPS

“The latest World Drug Report indicates that we have gone from 22 to 23 million cocaine users, and that the golden triangle in Burma, the triple border of Argentina-Paraguay-Brazil and the Amazonian trapezoid are privileged areas for production and export,” Soberón told IPS.

The latter holds “Putumayo and Yaguas, areas that according to Devida have reduced the 2,000 hectares under cultivation. I don’t believe it,” he said.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), that commissioned the report, also lists Peru as the world’s second largest cocaine producer.

Soberón added another element that discredits the conclusions of the Devida report: the government’s behaviour.

“There is no air interdiction in the Amazonian trapezoid, the non-lethal interdiction agreement with the United States will be operational in 2025. On the other hand, there are complaints against the anti-drug police in Loreto, the department where Putumayo and Yaguas are located, for their links with Brazilian mafias,” he explained.

He believes there was an attempt to whitewash “a government that is completely isolated”, referring to the administration led since December 2022 by interim president Dina Boluarte, with minimal levels of approval and questioned over a series of democratic setbacks.

Soberón, director of Devida in 2011-2012 and 2021-2022, has constantly warned that the government, at different levels, has not incorporated the indigenous agenda in its policies against illegalities in their ancestral areas.

This, he said, despite the growing pressure on their peoples and lands from “the largest illegal extractive economies in the world: drug trafficking, logging and gold mining,” the main causes of deforestation, loss of biodiversity and territorial dispossession.

Soberón argued that, given the magnitude of cocaine trafficking in the world, major trafficking groups need coca crop reserves, and Peruvian territory is fit for it. He deplored the minimal strategic vision among political, economic, commercial and social players in the Amazon.

Based on previous research, he says that the Cauca-Nariño bridge in southern Colombia, Putumayo in Peru, and parts of Brazil, form the Amazonian trapezoid: a fluid transit area not only for cocaine, but also for arms, supplies and gold.

Hence the great flow of cocaine in the area, for trafficking and distribution to the United States and other markets, which makes the jungle-like indigenous territories of the Peruvian Amazon attractive for coca crops and cocaine laboratories.

Soberón stresses it is possible to reconcile anti-drug policy with the protection of the Amazon, for example by promoting the citizen social pacts that he himself developed as a pilot project during his term in office.

It is a matter, he said, of turning the social players, such as the indigenous peoples, into decision-makers. But this requires a clear political will, which is not seen in the current Devida administration.

Mariano Isacama (left), a Kakataibo indigenous leader who disappeared and was murdered after allegedly receiving threats from people linked to drug traffickers. Next to him, the president of the indigenous organisation Orau, Magno López. Credit: Courtesy of Marcelo Odicio

“We will not stand idly by”

Odicio, the president of Fenacoka, knows that the increased presence of invaders in their territories is aimed at planting pasture and coca leaf, an activity that destroys their forests. They have even installed maceration ponds near the communities.

When invaders arrive, they cut down the trees, burn them, raise cattle, take possession of the land and then demand the right to title, he explained. “After the anti-forestry law, they feel strong and say they have a right to the land, when it is not the case,” he said.

He refers to the reform of the Forestry and Wildlife Act No. 29763, in force since December 2023, which further weakens the security of indigenous peoples over their land rights and opens the door to legal and illegal extractive activities.

The leader, who has a wife and two young children, knows that the role of defender exposes him. “We are the ones who pay the consequences, we are visible to criminals, we are branded as informers, but I will continue to defend our rights. Along with the indigenous guard we will ensure that the autonomy of our territory is respected,” he stressed.

In the native community of Puerto Nuevo there are 200 Kakataibo families, with 500 more in Sinchi Roca. They live from the sustainable use of their forest resources, who are at risk from illegal activities. “We just want to live in peace, but we will defend ourselves because we cannot stand idly by if they do not respect our autonomy”, he said.