Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE

Anyone interested in unsolved murders and disappearances will find much to study in Sri Lanka. Fifteen to twenty years ago, the country made global headlines, not only for the government’s military offensive against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) guerrillas but also for the numerous murders of journalists. The newly elected president, Anura Kumara […]

Better drawing rights from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) could assist with the just transition.

By Kevin P. Gallagher and Abebe Shimeles
BOSTON, USA & CAPE TOWN, South Africa, Oct 25 2024 (IPS)

At the 2021 UN Climate Summit, Barbados prime minister Mia Mottley called for more and better use of special drawing rights (SDRs), the International Monetary Fund’s reserve asset.

The special drawing right is an international reserve asset created by the IMF. It is not a currency—its value is based on a basket of five currencies, the biggest chunk of which is the US dollar, followed by the euro. It is a potential claim on the freely usable currencies of IMF members. Special drawing rights can provide a country with liquidity.

Countries can use their special drawing rights to pay back IMF loans, or they can exchange them for foreign currencies.

As Mottley is the newest president of the Climate Vulnerable Forum and Vulnerable Group of 20 (V20) finance ministers, which represents 68 climate-vulnerable countries that are among those with the most dire liquidity needs, including 32 African countries, her call would be directly beneficial to African countries.

In August 2021, as the shock from the COVID-19 pandemic battered their economies, African countries received a lifeline of US$33 billion from special drawing rights. This amounts to more than all the climate finance Africa receives each year and more than half of all annual official development assistance to Africa.

This US$33 billion did not add to African countries’ debt burden, it did not come with any conditions, and it did not cost donors a single cent to provide.

IMF members can vote to create new issuances of special drawing rights. They are then distributed to countries in proportion to their quotas in the IMF. Quotas are denominated in special drawing rights, the IMF’s unit of account.

Quotas are the building blocks of the IMF’s financial and governance structure. An individual member country’s quota broadly reflects its relative position in the world economy. Thus, by design, the poorest and most vulnerable countries receive the least when it comes to quotas and voting shares.

Special drawing rights cannot solve all of Africa’s economic challenges. And their highly technical nature means they are not always well understood. But at a time when African countries are facing chronic liquidity challenges—most countries in the region are spending more on debt service payments than they are on health, education, or climate change—our new research shows that special drawing rights can play an important role in establishing financial stability and enabling investments for development.

Financial stability includes macroeconomic stability (such as low inflation, healthy balance of payments, sufficient foreign reserves), a strong financial system and resilience to shocks.

African leaders are approaching a critical year-long opportunity: in November, the first Group of 20 (G20) summit will convene (with the African Union in attendance as a member for the first time). Then in December, South Africa assumes the G20 presidency.

As African leaders advocate for reforms to the international financial architecture, maximising the potential of special drawing rights should be a central component of their agenda.

The problem

African countries’ finances are facing tough times. External debt in sub-Saharan Africa has tripled since 2008. The average government is now spending 12% of its revenue on external debt service. The COVID-19 pandemic, Russia’s war in Ukraine, and rises in interest rates and the prices of commodities, like food and fertiliser, have all contributed to this trend.

Debt restructuring mechanisms have also proved inadequate. Countries like Zambia and Ghana got stuck in lengthy restructurings. Weak institutional capacity and poor governance also impede efficient use of public resources.

At the same time, African economies need to increase investment to advance development, support a young and growing population, develop climate resilience and take advantage of the opportunity presented by the energy transition.

To meet the resources for a just energy transition and the attainment of the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, investment in climate and development will have to increase from around 24% of GDP (the average for Africa in 2022) to 37%.

Special drawing rights have proved to be an important tool in addressing these challenges. Research by the IMF and others shows that African countries significantly benefited from the special drawing rights they received in 2021 to stabilise their economies. And this happened without worsening debt burdens or costing advanced economies any money, particularly as they cut development aid.

However, advanced economies exercise significant control over the availability of special drawing rights. The IMF’s quota system determines both voting power and their distribution. Advanced economies control most of the IMF’s quotas.

The advanced economies made the right decision in 2021 and in 2009 to issue new special drawing rights and the time has come again.

The solution

African and other global south leaders need to make a strong case for another issuance of special drawing rights at the IMF and World Bank meetings in Washington.

In addition to a new issuance of special drawing rights, advanced economies still need to be pressured to re-channel the hundreds of billions of special drawing rights sitting idle on their balance sheets into productive purposes.

The 2021 allocation of special drawing rights amounted to US$650 billion in total. But only US$33 billion went to African countries due to the IMF’s unequal quota distribution. Meanwhile, advanced economies with powerful currencies and no need for special drawing rights received the lion’s share.

The African Development Bank has spearheaded one such proposal alongside the Inter-American Development Bank. Under this plan, countries with unused special drawing rights could re-channel them to the African Development Bank as hybrid capital, allowing the bank to lend around $4 for each $1 of special drawing rights it receives.

The IMF approved the use of special drawing rights as hybrid capital for multilateral development banks in May. But it set an excessively low limit of 15 billion special drawing rights across all multilateral development banks.

Even so, advanced economies have been slow to re-channel special drawing rights. The close to $100 billion that have been re-channeled—mostly to IMF trust funds—is meaningful.

But it still falls short of what should have been re-channelled.

In the long term, IMF governance reforms are needed to avoid a repeat of the inefficient distribution of special drawing rights.

As African countries rightly push to change shortcomings of the international financial architecture, new special drawing rights issuances should be at the centre of such a strategy. The IMF’s 2021 special drawing rights issuance showed the tool’s scale and importance. And special drawing rights re-channelling has had positive effects in easing debt burdens and freeing up financing to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic.

With 2030 approaching and the window shrinking for climate action, global leaders should be using all the tools at their disposal, including special drawing rights, to build a more resilient future.

Kevin P. Gallagher, Professor of Global Development Policy and Director, Global Development Policy Center, Boston University and Abebe Shimeles, Honorary Professor, University of Cape Town

Note: This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Kevin P. Gallagher is from Boston University and Abebe Shimeles from the University of Cape Town

 

 

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Ma Moe Wathan (21) feeds her daughter Pan Ei (1.8 year) in their hostel room in A Lal village, Hlaing Thar Yar township, Yangon, Myanmar. Credit: UNICEF/Nyan Zay Htet

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 25 2024 (IPS)

With the emergence of generative artificial intelligence (AI) and social media, the dissemination of public information moves at a faster speed than ever before. Social media platforms have become an integral tool for users of younger generations to access the news. Although this shift has led to public news being more accessible to younger users, it has also led to an overall decline in media literacy.

According to a study by the Pew Research Center, approximately 54 percent of U.S. adults get their news from social media platforms such as X (formerly known as Twitter), Tiktok, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube.

In an increasingly digital age, media literacy has seen a significant decline. Experts have attributed this to the rise of social media, which has led to shorter attention spans among younger generations. Gloria Mark, PhD, professor of informatics at the University of California, states that the average attention spans recorded in 2004 were about two and a half minutes. In the last five years, this has dwindled to about 47 seconds.

Social media platforms offer users a rapidly changing and endless flow of content, which has a negative impact on attention spans. Constant switches from one source of stimuli to another have adverse effects on the default network of the brain and its functions, making it difficult for users to maintain attention.

A study published by the University of British Columbia titled Mind-wandering as spontaneous thought: a dynamic framework, states that “attention and the focus of thoughts frequently shift back and forth between the internal and external environment; there is often a simultaneous deactivation of the DN (default network of the brain) in many different task paradigms”.

While news organizations have social media accounts in an effort to spread the truth and get more engagement, they find themselves being overshadowed by content creators who can more effectively captivate the short attention spans of internet users. These users often incorporate sensationalized language and spread false narratives.

The same study from the Pew Research Center reports that 64 percent of adults surveyed reported feeling confused on what is real or not due to the misinformation or ‘clickbait’ that runs rampant on social platforms. 23 percent reported that they shared false information either knowingly or unknowingly.

Misinformation, while not always intentionally harmful, can have negative effects on the relationship between experts and the public. “Polarization on topics such as climate change and vaccines has damaged public trust in science, which makes it harder for scientists to serve society,” said Dr Ataharul Chowdhury, an agricultural scientist at the University of Guelph.

The rise of generative AI in media spaces has added a layer of complication, as social analysts describe it as an amplifier for misinformation. The field of AI is largely unregulated and offers users the tools to create hyper realistic images and photos that could easily deceive viewers.

As Gita Johar, the Meyer Feldberg Professor of Business at Columbia Business School, Columbia University explained, the presence of AI and the “amount of misinformation” created in social media sites is going to multiply.

“People have started realizing that AI is behind a lot of this misinformation. Over time, they’re not going to know what to trust anymore, plus there’s such a deficit of trust in society as it is. As AI does more and more, even if you have disclaimers saying such and such was produced by AI, what you’re going to see is consumers becoming more skeptical of information,” she said.

The effects of the decline in media literacy has significant ramifications on the ways that people conduct their daily practices, inlcuding when it comes to food. Facts about the relationship between the meat industry and food production have been largely divisive among the American public.

According to the United Nations (UN), the meat production industry is a significant contributor to the climate crisis, emitting more greenhouse gasses than the world’s biggest oil companies. Additionally, meat production is responsible for dwindling water resources and exacerbates deforestation.

A 2023 survey conducted by the Washington Post-University of Maryland reports that 74 percent of Americans think that meat production and consumption has little to no detrimental impact on the environment.

A report published by Changing Markets Foundation (CMF) used opinion mining and language processing algorithms to detect over 948,000 tweets from 1 June 2022 to 31 July 2023 that contained misinformation about meat production and its impacts, as well as false statements about alternative practices such as adopting plant-rich diets and consuming poultry instead of red meat.

CMF summarized the main sentiments found in misleading posts that focused on meat production and consumption. 78 percent of users disparaged alternatives of meat and dairy products and discredited their potential benefits for the environment and public health. 22 percent of users tweeted that meat consumption is wholly beneficial for the human body. Many users also attempted to refute scientific data on the environmental impact of global animal agriculture.

Misinformation surrounding agriculture and plant consumption has become widespread in the past two decades. Genetically modified crops and organic farming have been points of significant contention for both farmers and consumers in recent years.

While there are supporters for both sides of the argument, it is farmers and marketers who appeal to the consumer’s fears of health concerns and environmental damage to convince people to buy their products. “Agri-food misinformation creates anxiety, uncertainty and confusion among farmers and consumers,” says Chowdhury.

Transparent advertising is essential for the agriculture industry, especially in today’s climate where people do not know if they can trust the food that they are eating. “Businesses can lead the way here. Advertisers need to work together to make this happen. It’s good for them, and it’s good for society. It’s really a win-win. Then they can actually force platforms to abide by some kind of rules and procedures and make sure that they’re actually monitoring and trying to prevent the spread of misinformation,” says Johar.

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Credit: World Meteorological Organization/Muhammad Amdad Hossain

By Selahattin Selsah Pasali and Selim Raihan
BANGKOK, Thailand, Oct 25 2024 (IPS)

In the coming decades, the Asia-Pacific region faces a series of challenges that threaten to exacerbate poverty. Among these, climate change, demographic shifts, particularly population ageing and the rise of digital technologies stand out as three interconnected global megatrends.

A recent technical paper supporting the Social Outlook for Asia and the Pacific 2024 explores various scenarios on how climate change, demographic shifts and digitalization could impact poverty. It reveals that 266 million people could be at risk of falling into poverty by 2040.

This underscores the urgent need to strengthen and finance social protection systems across the region, as addressing these issues proactively is far more cost-effective than reacting to them later.

Understanding the megatrends

Climate change is increasingly evident, with rising temperatures, extreme weather and disrupted ecosystems impacting both the environment and economies. This poses a direct threat to livelihoods, especially for those dependent on agriculture and natural resources.

Population ageing is another significant trend. While longer life expectancy is positive, it strains social services, healthcare and pension systems. Without integrated policies to address these pressures, public resources, already strained by debt, could face further strain, risking economic instability.

Digital technologies advance rapidly, offering growth and efficiency benefits but also posing challenges. Job displacement and increased inequality are potential risks if these technologies are not managed inclusively. Balancing their benefits and risks is crucial for equitable progress.

The Impact on Poverty

Using the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model to project 2040 scenarios, varying degrees of climate change, demographic shifts, and digitalization show a stark contrast between optimistic and pessimistic outcomes, highlighting the crucial need to enhance social protection expenditures. Two scenarios are considered in the model with results presented in Figure 1:

• Optimistic scenario: This scenario assumes a 1.5-degree Celsius increase in global temperatures, that populations age in a healthy manner, and significant improvements are made by countries in ICT productive capacity by 2040. Under this scenario, the projected increase in poverty by 2040 is 199.8 million people or 6.5 per cent of the total population in the Asia-Pacific region.
• Pessimistic scenario: In contrast, the pessimistic scenario assumes a 2.0-degree Celsius increase in global temperatures, no progress in healthy ageing and insufficient advancements in ICT productivity. Here, the poverty headcount is projected to increase by 266.1 million people or 8.7 per cent of the total population.

Source: ESCAP elaborations based on GTAP model and household income and expenditure surveys from 27 countries available in ESCAP SPOT Simulator. Note: As per table 5.1, three global megatrends including climate change, demographic shifts, including ageing, and digitalization are introduced in the GTAP model as shocks.
 
The pessimistic scenario presumes a 2-degree Celsius rise in temperature, populations ageing in an unhealthy manner and countries slowly improving their ICT Productive Capacity. The optimistic scenario presumes a 1.5-degree Celsius rise in temperature, populations ageing in a healthy manner with less health expenditures needed and countries making significant improvements in their ICT Productive Capacity.

The difference between these scenarios illustrates the profound impact of each megatrend. Climate change is a major driver of increased poverty. For instance, under a pessimistic scenario, Kiribati, Nepal and Tonga could see their poverty rates rise by over 15 percentage points relative to the baseline.

Even with just a 1.5°C warming, the regional average poverty rate could increase by 2.8 percentage points, highlighting climate change’s significant impact on poverty. Population ageing is also a critical factor.

Without healthy ageing, an additional 10 million people might fall into poverty due to rising healthcare costs, with countries like Armenia, Kiribati, Maldives and Mongolia being especially vulnerable. Digitalization, though less impactful overall, has notable effects in specific countries like Türkiye, Viet Nam and Vanuatu, influencing differences between optimistic and pessimistic scenarios.

The urgent need for action

If social protection expenditures are not increased, the cost of mitigating the rise in poverty could be substantial. To counteract the projected poverty increases, approximately 6.2 per cent of GDP would need to be mobilized under the optimistic scenario.

The total cost would increase to 8.7 per cent of GDP in 2040 under the pessimistic scenario. These are lower-bound estimates as they assume governments could directly target affected households and seamlessly provide cash transfers.

The projected rise in poverty and associated costs underscore the urgent need for government action which necessitates stronger political will to match the associated investment needs. Empirical analysis supports several key policy recommendations.

Governments should implement policies for a just transition, which includes effective climate action to mitigate the economic and social impacts of both sudden and gradual disasters and to support the shift towards a net-zero emissions economy.

Additionally, strategies for healthy ageing and investing in healthcare infrastructure, such as universal social health protection, can ease the financial strain of an ageing population, ensuring social stability and economic prosperity.

At the same time, policymakers should also focus on fostering inclusive digital economies, providing opportunities for all, including those at risk of being left behind. Investments in digital literacy and skills training are crucial to counteract digital disruption’s negative effects.

Overall, expanding social protection coverage and increasing benefit levels are essential. This includes implementing social protection floors and gradually enhancing multi-pillared systems to cover more individuals and increase benefits, ensuring no one is excluded from protection against life cycle contingencies and shocks.

Originally published as an opinion piece by Nikkei Asia.

Selahattin Selsah Pasali is Social Affairs Officer, Social Development Division, ESCAP; Selim Raihan is Professor, Department of Economics, University of Dhaka and Executive Director of South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM)

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By Melek Zahine
PARIS, Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

Nobody should be fooled by President Biden’s recent warning to Israel that the U.S. may level consequences if it doesn’t do more to surge humanitarian aid into Gaza within the next 30 days. Biden’s warning, along with Anthony Blinken’s 11th trip to Israel and the region to try and revive ceasefire talks, is nothing more than cynical double talk designed to appease domestic audiences and buy time for Israel to deepen its genocidal aims against the Palestinian people and brutally punish those who support their liberation.

Melek Zahine

Israel knows that Washington’s warnings aren’t serious. Despite independently documented evidence of Israel’s genocidal actions and war crimes in Gaza, the West Bank and now Lebonon, billions of dollars in offensive arms transfer, intelligence and military support from the United States continue unabated. Israel also knows that the U.S. government has consistently operated in their favor in breach of domestic U.S. laws not only for the past year but for decades. U.S. National Security Memorandum 20 and the Leahy Laws both stipulate that the United States cannot provide any form of assistance, especially military aid, to a country that is restricting the delivery of U.S.-funded humanitarian assistance.

It’s no surprise that Israel’s immediate response to Biden’s warning and Blinken’s shuttle diplomacy this week has been to escalate the humanitarian blockade and military offensive on Gaza’s already besieged civilian population, especially in famine-stricken Northern Gaza, where tens of thousands of unarmed and starved men, women and children are now being trapped, corralled, and slaughtered like animals by Israeli political elites who have an endless supply of lethal U.S.- weapons and Biden’s iron-clad loyalty on their side.

As Israel prevents humanitarian aid from reaching beleaguered and displaced Palestinian civilians throughout the Gaza Strip, hospitals are now faced with dwindling medical supplies amidst the growing numbers of injured and ill. Healthcare providers and first responders, who themselves are struggling to survive, now have little more than their compassion to offer the sick and the dying. Unless President Biden uses his singularly unique leverage to take decisive, immediate action, tens of thousands more Palestinians will be killed in the next thirty days, 75% of which will be women and children.

As a U.S. citizen who has worked in the field of humanitarian assistance for more than 30 years, I have both witnessed and paid keen attention to the devastating human toll on civilian lives that my government has consistently chosen to unleash since 9/11 in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Syria, Somalia, Libya, Yemen and now Gaza and Lebanon. Rather than work to de-escalate during times of crisis through earnest, mature diplomacy, the United States, irrespective of which political party is in power, has all too often chosen to pursue extreme military force as the cornerstone of its foreign policy, benefitting narrow special interest groups in Washington at the expense of innocent populations abroad, U.S. soldiers and average U.S. taxpayers at home.

During my career, I’ve also had the privilege of witnessing those rare moments when the United States has chosen to mitigate harm by using its powerful foreign policy tools to de-escalate conflicts and secure humanitarian spaces. In 1991, in Northern Iraq, the U.S. led a multi-nation coalition of NATO and U.N. partners to deliver emergency aid and protection to Iraqi Kurdish refugees fleeing gas attacks by Saddam Hussein. Also, in the 90s, the United States helped deliver C5 Galaxy loads of lifesaving emergency supplies to besieged civilians in Sarajevo and worked with NATO and U.N. partners to enforce a no-fly zone over the former Yugoslavia. This decision helped lessen the level of violence between the various warring sides and protect civilians and U.N. personnel. During earthquakes, such as the ones that hit Turkiye in 1999 and 2023, the United States sent search and rescue teams, often being the first to reach people trapped under tons of concrete and metal with specialized equipment and dogs. Biden’s decision to leave Palestinian civilians and civil defense workers to desperately try and rescue people under destroyed homes and shelters caused by U.S. bombs, with nothing but their bare hands says everything one needs to know about the emptiness of his latest warnings, red lines, and shuttle diplomacy. Biden’s foreign policy is nothing but a cruel and unusual punishment that the U.S. Constitution’s 8th Amendment warns Americans against inflicting on others.

If President Biden were actually serious about addressing the humanitarian catastrophe facing Palestinians and now the Lebanese, he wouldn’t need to wait 30 days. All he would need to do is immediately emulate past American administrations and execute his executive powers, enforce an immediate no-fly zone over Gaza and Lebanon, and authorize an immediate arms embargo on Israel. This combined approach would immediately improve conditions for a lasting cease-fire, unimpeded humanitarian access and prevent a further escalation of regional tensions. Rather than use his remaining days in office to buy time for Israel to cause more human suffering, President Biden must buy time for those who won’t live to see another day without a more humane U.S. foreign policy intervention. Imagine being the most powerful leader in the world and choosing anything less.

The author is a humanitarian affairs and disaster response specialist.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Anne Olhoff, Chief Climate Advisor at UNEP

By Umar Manzoor Shah
COPENHAGEN & SRINAGAR , Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

Anne Olhoff, Chief Climate Advisor at UNEP, underlined the urgent need for accelerated climate action ahead of COP29 in an exclusive interview with IPS. “The next six years are crucial—without accelerated action, we will miss the chance to limit warming to 1.5°C,” she warned.

Olhoff stressed that while ambition is essential, “What we need most is immediate action.”

Olhoff also termed the role of the Emissions Gap Report as a bridge between science and policy, advocating for financial and technical support to ensure a just transition for developing countries.

As Chief Climate Advisor and as part of the UNEP Copenhagen Climate Centre management, Olhoff provides climate science-policy advice and supports climate strategy development and implementation in the UNEP Copenhagen Climate Centre and UNEP.

Olhoff has worked with UNEP throughout her career and has more than 25 years’ experience in international science-policy advice, technical assistance and research on climate change mitigation and adaptation in the context of sustainable development.

Since 2012, Olhoff has led the annual UNEP flagship report on climate change mitigation—the Emissions Gap Report—guiding and coordinating the work of more than 70 scientists from at least 35 institutions across more than 25 countries in addition to being the chief scientific editor of the report.

On the eve of the publication of the 2024 emissions report entitled ‘No more hot air … please’ Olhoff gave an exclusive interview to IPS.

Here are excerpts from the interview.

Inter Press Service (IPS): What do you expect from COP29? How do you think it will help on the ground?

Anne Olhoff: That’s a tricky question. The Emissions Gap Report doesn’t dive deeply into COP29 specifically, but we aim to guide discussions during COP29 and the preparation for the next Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which countries will submit before COP30. The report highlights where we stand now and what needs to happen in the short term and with the next NDCs. Hopefully, this will provide useful insights for the discussions in Baku as well.

IPS: How do you see the role of science-policy advice in climate action, especially with the rise of net-zero targets?

Olhoff: That’s an excellent question. Through the Emissions Gap Report, we aim to contribute to this effort. Our goal is to provide science-based yet timely and relevant information for international discussions. Unlike IPCC reports, which are published every six years, the Emissions Gap Report offers an annual, tailored update.

What’s reassuring is that the report has been well received. Surveys show that 75-83 percent of national delegations use it during climate negotiations or in their submissions to the UNFCCC. This suggests we are filling a gap by offering valuable information between IPCC cycles.

IPS: After leading the Emissions Gap Report for several years, what are your key takeaways, and how have its findings influenced global strategies?

Olhoff: It’s hard to pinpoint specific changes directly resulting from the report, but it has certainly shed light on critical issues—both on where we’re headed and where we need to be. Importantly, this year’s report highlights solutions across all sectors, focusing on ways to accelerate emission reductions across the economy.

IPS: From your experience with both adaptation and mitigation, which areas need immediate attention, and where do you see the biggest gaps?

Olhoff: There’s a lot of potential for synergies between adaptation, mitigation, and development goals. Agriculture and forestry offer some of the greatest opportunities, but energy systems are equally critical. Access to electricity for cooling, for instance, is essential to building climate resilience.

It’s important to note that mitigation must come first. If emissions aren’t reduced, no amount of adaptation will prevent severe impacts and losses. Reducing emissions minimizes the future burden on adaptation efforts.

IPS: How has UNEP’s approach to climate change evolved over the years, and what recent developments excite you the most?

Olhoff: This is the 15th edition of the report, which we’ve been producing since 2010. Back then, temperature projections based on existing policies were about half a degree higher than they are now. This shows that we’ve made some progress, although it’s not enough.

One exciting development is the advancement of renewable energy, especially in terms of cost reductions and deployment. However, we need to ensure these breakthroughs benefit all countries, not just a select few. There’s a strong need to improve investment flows to developing economies, especially outside China.

IPS: Coordinating with scientists from over 25 countries must be challenging. How do you maintain alignment and quality control?

Olhoff: We follow a process similar to the IPCC. We have author teams, a steering committee involving IPCC representatives and UNFCCC experts, and rigorous external reviews.

Additionally, we send draft reports to countries mentioned in the report to allow for feedback and ensure we aren’t missing important perspectives. It’s a tightly managed process to maintain high scientific standards.

IPS: What trends or innovations do you think will play a pivotal role in climate transparency and reporting in the coming decade?

Olhoff: One major development will be the biennial transparency reports, which countries will submit by the end of this year. These reports will help track progress more accurately and offer opportunities to learn from each other’s experiences.

While we have many of the technologies needed to achieve steep reductions, investing in research and development for new mitigation options will be essential moving forward. Improved transparency will also help ensure accountability.

IPS: With your experience in advisory roles, how important is interdisciplinary collaboration in shaping climate policies, particularly at the intersection of health, disaster management, and climate resilience?

Olhoff: It’s absolutely critical. Often, experts focus on isolated components—like the energy system—without considering how everything connects. Interdisciplinary approaches help us understand the complex relationships and address flaws in narrower frameworks. This has been a key focus in my work.

IPS: How do you manage the tension between political agendas and scientific evidence when advising on climate strategies?

Olhoff: We stick to scientific principles. Of course, we consider political sensitivities, but we aim to provide unbiased and credible analysis. Engaging with authors from around the world and including extensive peer reviews helps ensure we capture different perspectives.

When we encounter differences of opinion, we stay grounded in science to maintain credibility. The goal is to provide sound, defensible analysis.

IPS: Transitioning away from fossil fuels is challenging, especially for countries with fossil reserves. How can a just transition happen for developing countries without jeopardizing their economies?

Olhoff: That’s a tough question, but an important one. Renewable energy is already cost-competitive in many parts of the world. However, countries need financial and technical support to transition away from fossil fuels.

For countries with large untapped fossil fuel reserves, compensation mechanisms may be necessary to encourage them not to exploit these resources. The next round of NDCs offers an opportunity for these countries to present investment-ready plans that outline what support they need to pursue ambitious climate goals.

IPS: Do you see COP29 as a now-or-never opportunity for climate action?

Olhoff: I wouldn’t say COP29 alone is the deciding moment, but the next six years are crucial. If we continue on the current path, we will miss the chance to limit global warming to 1.5°C by 2030.

The real focus should be on accelerating country-level actions. While increased ambition in the next NDCs is essential, it won’t mean much without immediate action. As the Emissions Gap Report emphasizes, every delay increases the risks of costly and irreversible impacts.

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• UNEP’s 2024 Emissions Gap Report Warns: ‘No More Hot Air, Please’

Ratcliffe-on-Soar Power Station from an aeroplane. Credit: Matt Buck/Climate Visuals

By Umar Manzoor Shah
COPENHAGEN, Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

The United Nations Environment Programme’s (UNEP) Emissions Gap Report 2024 delivered a stark reminder that the world is still far from meeting its climate commitments.

The report, released today, October 24, highlights the widening gap between climate rhetoric and reality as greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reach 57.1 gigatons of CO2 equivalent (GtCO₂) in 2023—a record high that undermines the goal of limiting global warming to 1.5°C.

Addressing the press conference while releasing the report, titled “No More Hot Air …please,” United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres issued a warning to the world. With current greenhouse gas emissions at record highs, Guterres said that humanity is “teetering on a planetary tightrope,” with catastrophic consequences looming unless countries act decisively to close the emissions gap.

 

The cover of UNEP’s Emissions Gap Report 2024 ‘No more hot air… please.’ Credit: UNEP

“Either leaders bridge the emissions gap, or we plunge headlong into climate disaster—with the poorest and most vulnerable suffering the most,” Guterres said during a video address from the report’s launch event in Nairobi.

According to the Emissions Gap Report 2024, global greenhouse gas emissions rose 1.3 percent in 2023 to their highest levels in history. At the current pace, the world is on track for a 3.1°C temperature rise by the end of the century—well above the limits set by the Paris Agreement.

Guterres emphasized that limiting global warming to 1.5°C remains technically feasible, but only if emissions fall by 9 percent annually until 2030. Without swift intervention, the UN chief warned of more frequent and extreme weather events.

“Record emissions mean record sea temperatures, supercharging monster hurricanes; record heat is turning forests into tinderboxes and cities into saunas; record rains are resulting in biblical floods,” he said.

Guterres termed the COP29 summit in Baku, Azerbaijan, as a pivotal moment for global climate policy. The Secretary-General outlined two major areas where urgent progress is essential. One, he said, is National Climate Action Plans (NDCs).

“COP29 starts the clock for countries to deliver new national climate action plans—NDCs—by next year,” Guterres said.
Governments are expected to align these plans with the 1.5°C target by driving down emissions across all sectors and phasing out fossil fuels swiftly and equitably.

Guterres urged countries to commit to reversing deforestation and accelerating the deployment of renewable energy. Another area, according to the Secretary General, that merits immediate concern is climate finance.

Guterres said that the success of the clean energy transition depends heavily on financial support for developing countries, which are already struggling with climate-induced disasters.

“COP29 must agree to a new finance goal that unlocks the trillions of dollars they need and provides confidence it will be delivered,” he said.

The Secretary-General urged significant increases in concessional public financing, along with cutting-edge techniques like levies on fossil fuel extraction. He also urged reforms in multilateral development banks to enhance their role in climate financing.

The Secretary-General emphasized that climate action is not just a matter of environmental responsibility but also of economic foresight. He stressed that the cost of inaction far exceeds the cost of action.

As the largest emitters, G20 nations, responsible for 80 percent of global emissions, must take the lead in closing the emissions gap. Guterres challenged the wealthiest countries to act first. “I urge first-movers to come forward. We need leadership now more than ever,” he said.

Guterres echoed the UNEP report’s urgent message that “people and the planet cannot afford more hot air.” The time for empty promises has passed, and concrete steps are required to meet the climate goals. “Today’s Emissions Gap report is clear: we’re playing with fire, but there can be no more playing for time. We’re out of time,” he said.

The latest Emissions Gap Report 2024 by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) has sounded a dire alarm on the disconnect between political commitments and the reality of global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

In stark language, the report urges governments to close the widening gap between rhetoric and action.

“The transformation to net-zero economies must happen, and the sooner this global transformation begins, the better. Every fraction of a degree avoided counts in terms of lives saved, economies protected, damages avoided, biodiversity conserved, and the ability to rapidly bring down any temperature overshoot,” reads the report.

UNEP warned that the current trajectory leaves the world on a path toward 2.6°C warming this century, far beyond the Paris Agreement targets. The report calls for a “quantum leap” in ambition and urgent action from governments, particularly ahead of the next round of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) due in early 2025.

Here are some highlights:

G20 Nations Hold the Key to Global Emission Reductions

The report has highlighted that G20 countries, responsible for 77 percent of global emissions, must take the lead in closing the emissions gap. While these countries have set net-zero goals, their current policies fall short of aligning with the necessary emission reductions. Without significant improvements, the G20 is projected to miss its NDC targets for 2030 by at least 1 GtCO₂e.

Required Cuts: 42 percent Reduction by 2030 for 1.5°C Target

To achieve the 1.5°C pathway, global emissions must decrease by 42 percent by 2030 compared to 2019 levels—equivalent to an annual reduction of 7.5 percent. The report highlights the severe consequences of delayed action, warning that any further postponement would necessitate doubling the rate of emissions cuts after 2030.

Sectoral Solutions: Renewables and Reforestation Offer Hope

The report has identified solar and wind energy as key contributors to bridging the emissions gap. Together, these technologies could deliver 27 percent of the total emission reduction potential by 2030. Forest-related measures, including reforestation and reducing deforestation, offer another 20% potential. However, achieving these targets requires massive increases in investment—at least six times the current levels—and rapid deployment of policies across sectors.

NDCs and Climate Finance: Critical Areas for Focus

It has also stressed the importance of the upcoming NDC submissions.  According to the report, these commitments, due before February 2025, must reflect higher ambitions, concrete plans, and robust financial backing to make meaningful progress toward net-zero emissions. Developing countries, in particular, require international support and reformed financial systems to meet their climate goals.

Urgency and Cooperation are Paramount

UNEP has underlined the need for a whole-of-government approach and stronger public-private partnerships to accelerate progress. “We are running out of time,” the report warns. “The transformation to net-zero economies is inevitable, and the sooner we act, the more lives, ecosystems, and economies we can save.”

The report has identified the COP29 summit in Baku, Azerbaijan, as a crucial time for nations to align their policies with 1.5°C pathways. Without immediate, ambitious actions, UNEP cautions that 2°C—once the backup target—could soon become unreachable.

“With the clock ticking down to 2030 and 2035, the message is unequivocal: ambition without action is meaningless. Governments must move from pledges to policies and ensure that commitments are backed by robust implementation plans,” says the report.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Excerpt:

"We’re playing with fire, but there can be no more playing for time. We’re out of time," says UN Secretary General António Guterres

The two White House hopefuls debated on ABC television on September 10, 2024, but their mentions of Latin America were mainly dedicated to the issue of migration. Credit: Michael Le Brecht II / ABC

By Humberto Márquez
CARACAS, Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

Migration, trade, the defence of democracy, the confrontation with China and the collapse of multilateralism are issues that shed more doubts than certainties on Latin America’s expectations of the imminent presidential elections in the United States.

Interest and tension have grown after dozens of polls and bookmakers have shown similar chances of victory for Democrat Kamala Harris and Republican Donald Trump, particularly in a few decisive states.“After Washington's retreat from the wars it got into in the Middle East, there is resistance among people to getting involved in the world's problems, which weakens the liberal democratic order”: Vilma Petrash.

Latin America has been treated by many US administrations as its ‘backyard’, but it is now commonplace that Washington’s international priority lies far from the region.

Nevertheless, “we should not underestimate the ways in which Democrats and Republicans are different”, warned Tullo Vigevani, former professor of international relations at Brazil’s Paulista State University.

“For example, their proposals and policies are very different on the environment, in general and in relation to Latin America; on renewable energy and biofuels – particularly in the case of Brazil – and regarding human rights and some authoritarian trends in the region”, Vigevani told IPS from Sao Paulo.

Even if some governments are more sympathetic to Harris or Trump, Vigevani believes that both Washington and the region’s capitals will seek understandings and a relationship as normal as possible, after the 5 November election.

Migrants in the Mexican border city of Tijuana approach the barrier that closes access to the United States. Credit: Alejandro Cartagena / IOM

Migration rules

Among the campaign issues, such as economy and employment, taxes, health, wars in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, and the opposing personalities of both candidates, migration stands out, with Latin American countries being the main expellers of migrants to the United States.

“It is a sensitive issue for Americans, whether they are Democrats, Republicans or independents. It affects the immigrant population, the millions of refugees, and therefore the countries of Latin America,” Vilma Petrash, a Venezuelan professor of political science and international relations at Miami Dade College, told IPS.

Of the 336 million people living in the United States, 46.2 million were of foreign origin in 2022, according to the non-governmental Pew Research Center; 49% are already U.S. citizens, 24% are legal permanent residents, and the rest, more than 11 million people, are unauthorised immigrants, eight million of whom are from Latin American and Caribbean countries.

In fact, the United States is currently home to 65 million ‘Hispanics’, as Latin Americans are called in the country, according to different reports, and they have become a desired prize for the two candidates.

Trump, who pushed for the construction of a wall on the southern border during his presidency (2017-2021), now offers massive deportations of illegals – one million immediately, according to his vice-presidential candidate, James Vance -, and to contain irregular border immigration even by using the military.

They are “the enemy within”, Trump has said, and has stigmatised migrants: he said that criminals from Venezuela have left their country for the United States, “leaving Caracas as one of the safest cities in the world”, or that Haitians “are eating the pets” in the northern industrial state of Ohio.

Harris, who is the current vice-president and lead programmes with which president Joe Biden also tried to address causes of migration, such as poverty in Central America, has said that the immigration system “needs reform”, without going into details.

Whichever side wins, the controls will predictably increase, and Washington’s announcement that it will not renew in 2025 the temporary stay permits (parole), which allow Venezuelans, Haitians, Cubans and Nicaraguans to enter and remain in the United States for two years, was a warning sign.

The US aircraft carrier USS Nimitz sails through the Arabian Gulf. Credit: US Army

The United States isolates itself

The migration issue shows the United States’ willingness to isolate itself, to withdraw, instead of taking a proactive approach, as a great global power, to solving problems in the region and the world.

According to Petrash, “after Washington’s retreat from the wars it got into in the Middle East, there is resistance among people to getting involved in the world’s problems, which weakens the liberal democratic order. Donald Trump’s ‘America First’ policies are a case in point”.

The expert said from Miami, in the southeastern state of Florida, that there is also a lack of consensus over foreign policy, and in general over governance, to the point that a part of the population still, countering evidence, supports the version that it was Trump and not Biden who won the election four years ago.

While Biden has consistently supported Ukraine in the war against Russia, and Israel’s current military offensive in the Middle East, his political action in favour of democracy in Latin America has been weaker, and Harris would continue this, although with revisions, according to Petrash.

This is despite the certainty that, for example, among the alternatives for containing regional migration, in which the exodus of more than seven million Venezuelans in the last decade stands out, is to promote a solution to the democratic crisis in that country.

As a result of its policies and omissions, its polarised political confrontation and doubts about its electoral system, and the rise of isolationism, the United States “would have to regain the moral stature necessary to help stem democratic backsliding in the region”, says Petrash.

These setbacks are expressed in left-wing governments with authoritarian tendencies, such as those in Nicaragua and Venezuela, but also in sectors that have backed right-wing presidencies such as those of Jair Bolsonaro (2019-2022) in Brazil and the current administrations of Javier Milei in Argentina and Nayib Bukele in El Salvador.

Bolsonaro, Milei and Bukele have openly identified with Trump, whose sector harbours a far-right conservative current. For Petrash, this could favour a rapprochement with Latin American countries where there is a democratic backlash.

Unloading wind turbines from China at the port of Bahía Blanca, Argentina. It shows China’s penetration into the renewable energy sector in the Southern Cone, where it is already a major trading partner. Credit: Port of Bahía Blanca

China moves forward

Petrash points out that the United States’s international retreat was acute in Latin America, “its natural strategic zone”, after the failure of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) initiative in 2005. “It abandoned its vision of free trade in the region and let China move forward with its enclaves,” she said.

China, “an economic, political and ideological rival, has sold itself as successful authoritarianism, and has taken advantage of Washington’s absences in Latin America to advance its quiet, pragmatic diplomacy,” says Petrash.

Trade between China and Latin America reached US$480 billion in 2023 after increasing 35-fold in 2000-2022, while the region’s total trade with the world increased four-fold, according to the  Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). Nevertheless, trade with the Asian giant is still far from the region’s trade with the United States, which in the same year amounted to US$1.14 trillion.

Relations between Latin America and China “have grown and even strengthened in strategic areas such as new materials for energy production, lithium batteries -South America has large reserves of the mineral-, or artificial intelligence”, Vigevani states.

Certification of Brazilian meat for export. Brazil is the largest exporter of beef and poultry, and very active in the World Trade Organization. Credit: Abrafrigo

Brazil and Mexico

Meanwhile, Brazil is concerned about Washington’s disdain – which will be evident if Trump wins – for multilateral institutions, starting with the United Nations and the proposed renewal of its Security Council in order to make it effective.

For Vigevani, this distancing from multilateralism is illustrated by the blockade, which Washington has maintained since 2020, on the appointment of new members to the dispute settlement body of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), initiated by Trump and continued by Biden.

“Even if relations with Brazil and Latin America in general look normal, this United States refusal raises doubts for the future, because it is saying it is not interested in multilateral organisations,” said Vigevani.

In the case of a Trump victory, the Brazilian professor points out, there are also unanswered questions about what his war and peace policies will be.

An example is the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. Trump has said that “ending this war quickly is in the best interest of the United States” and that he can achieve “a peace agreement in one day”, without offering further details, said Vigevani.

“It is important because, despite the war, Brazil has a strong relationship with Russia, and a very active participation in the Brics group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa),” Vigevani recalled.

According to Petrash, with Trump’s international policy, “the great power can be the bull in the china shop, and even more, the bull isolating itself in the china shop”.

At the other end of the region is Mexico, a partner of Canada and the United States in the trade agreement known as USMCA, which replaced in 2020 the North American Free Trade Agreement that has existed since 1994.

Along with maintaining the 3150-kilometre southern border of the United States, a destination for hundreds of thousands of migrants who cross the region each year, Mexico faces the campaign promise from both Harris and Trump that they intend to revise the USMCA as soon as they reach the White House.

Trump is expected to introduce tariffs and protectionist barriers, for example on Mexican production involving Chinese parts or technologies, and Harris is expected to increase environmental and labour requirements that favour industries with United States labour.

Whichever side wins, “with the new American policy of bringing companies back to the United States or to its partners in the USMCA, possibly the biggest issue now is the end of globalisation and the return to a developmentalist nationalism”, summarised Vigevani.

UNICEF delivered 25 tons of emergency medical supplies to the Ministry of Public Health at the Beirut international airport in response to the escalation of conflict in Lebanon. Credit: UNICEF/UNI657198/Fouad Choufany

By Oritro Karim
Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

Attacks on Lebanon over the past two months, as instigated by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have been increasingly indiscriminate. The Disaster Risk Management Unit at the Lebanese Council of Ministers confirmed that the death toll of Lebanese civilians has risen to over 2,530. Furthermore, Israel’s hostilities have led to casualties among United Nations (UN) personnel, which has been described as “violations of international law”.

Most recently, on the morning of October 23, the IDF coordinated an airstrike on the Lebanese port city of Tyre, mere hours after a series of airstrikes hit the suburbs of southern Beirut, decimating infrastructure. On October 22, Lebanese Cabinet member Nasser Yassin reported that Lebanon will need approximately 250 million dollars on a monthly basis to help the over 1 million displaced people due to the recent escalation in hostilities between Israel and Lebanon.

“Overnight we’ve seen more than 1 million people being displaced by the attacks, hostilities, by the aggression. And this is similar to an earthquake. You don’t see this number in scale and the speed of it, except in major natural disasters. And this is what happened in 48 hours,” said Yassin.

On October 21, an airstrike in southern Beirut destroyed several buildings within range of the Rafik Hariri University Hospital, the largest in Lebanon, and killed 18 civilians. Fears of future attacks on hospitals have spread among Lebanese civilians and officials. Daniel Hagari, spokesperson for the IDF, reported that the hospital contained a bunker with millions of dollars’ worth of cash and gold.

“One of our main targets last night was an underground vault with tens of millions of dollars in cash and gold. The money was being used to finance Hezbollah’s attacks on Israel. According to the estimates we have, there is at least half a billion dollars in dollar bills and gold stored in this bunker. This money could and still can be used to rebuild the state of Lebanon,” said Hagari.

Hospital director Mazen Alame told reporters that no such bunker exists. Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, has warned that any and all attacks involving hospitals are subject to thorough investigations.

On Tuesday October 22, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) detected over 1,417 projectiles that were fired south of the Blue Line, striking critical infrastructure in Al Matmurah, Al Qawzah, Aytaroun, Ett Taibe, Majdal Silim, Ghobeiry, and Khiam. The uptick in violence has led to Hezbollah taking a firmer stance, informing reporters that the conflict has reached a “new phase of escalation”. Political analysts such as Amal Saad predict that hostilities between the two parties will continue to rise in intensity.

“When you look at the bigger picture and you see in relative terms how Hezbollah has survived all this and been able to conduct such fierce resistance to an ongoing attempted invasion by the most powerful army in the Middle East, one can only conclude that Hezbollah is actually stronger than what we assumed it was. This might be a more ferocious Hezbollah that we’re seeing,” said Saad.

Reports from UNIFIL personnel indicate that peacekeeping missions along the border of Lebanon have grown increasingly difficult amid the escalation of airstrikes and ground incursions. On October 13, UNIFIL reported that the IDF breached one of their bases, firing several rounds 100 meters away from their position. 15 peacekeepers suffered injuries from smoke exposure.

UNIFIL issued a press statement on October 20, reporting that an IDF bulldozer had “deliberately demolished” a UN watchtower and perimeter fence. They reiterated that encroaching on UN positions and destroying UN assets constitute violations of international humanitarian law. Despite numerous security breaches and attacks on peacekeeping entities, UNIFIL maintains its positions in Lebanon, continuing to closely monitor and report Israeli offensives.

The UN and its affiliated organizations continue to provide support to affected communities in Lebanon. The World Food Programme (WFP) has been on the frontlines since “day one of the crisis”, distributing daily hot meals and food parcels to over 200,000 kitchens in Lebanon, and providing food assistance to nearly 150,000 Lebanese civilians who have fled to Syria.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has delivered over 140 tons of medical supplies to medical facilities and first responders. UNICEF has also provided medical and psychosocial support to people across 50 shelters in Lebanon. They have also distributed essential supplies to displacement shelters, including hygiene kits, water sanitation supplies, bedding, supplements, baby food, and maternity kits.

UNICEF has also partnered with Lebanon’s Ministry of Education to provide educational resources for children to ensure that they maintain some form of schooling in the duration of this conflict.

In the beginning of October, the UN launched a flash appeal of 426 million dollars to provide assistance to impacted communities for the next three months. Continued funding and donor contributions will be crucial as attacks remain frequent.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Credit: ESCAP Photo/Nur Hamidah

By Nur Hamidah, Rebecca Purba and Anna Amalia
BANGKOK, Thailand, Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

Over half of Asia-Pacific’s population now live in cities. While urbanization brings people closer to opportunities and better services, many urban dwellers are also experiencing the adverse impacts of climate change such as floods, urban heat and infectious diseases. Urban activities are among the major contributors to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

Consequently, building adequate capacities to adapt and promoting low-carbon and climate-resilient urban development are strategic priorities to reduce the region’s GHG emissions and safeguard its people. ESCAP, through the Urban-Act project, is supporting cities in Asia to identify important local actions to increase resilience and transition to climate-sensitive urban development.

Moving from business-as-usual to climate-sensitive development requires substantial investment and good enabling conditions. To meet Indonesia’s climate target, for example, the country needs ~USD 285 billion in total financing for 2018-2030 – a significant amount for a country facing a myriad of urbanization challenges.

In 2024, ESCAP and the Cities Climate Finance Leadership Alliance (CCFLA), assisted countries including Indonesia, to assess their national enabling conditions for urban climate finance.

The assessment evaluates four dimensions of the enabling conditions: climate policy, budget and finance, climate data, and vertical and horizontal coordination. In Indonesia, assessing national enabling conditions for subnational climate action in the urban context is part of an integrated approach to scale up climate action.

First, from the policy perspective, climate change is an important aspect of Indonesia’s national development. Climate-related targets gain prominence in the latest national medium-term development plan and will become even more so in the upcoming long-term development plan.

At the subnational level, however, the capacity to mainstream climate action varied. Lack of awareness, competing priorities and limited funding are among the main challenges that create significant gaps between budget allocation and achieving climate targets.

Second, despite the fiscal decentralization policy that allows subnational governments to manage their revenue and expenditures, reliance on central government transfers remains a common practice. In general, subnational governments face difficulties in generating revenue.

This reality exacerbates the challenge of allocating sufficient funding to build cities’ adaptive capacity and mitigate GHG emissions. Public-private partnership as a potential source of infrastructure financing has not made a significant contribution to subnational finance. Debt is not prevalent among subnational governments. Municipal bonds, introduced nearly twenty years ago, have not seen successful issuance by any subnational government.

A recent regulation on carbon pricing allows subnational governments to generate revenue from carbon trading, but effective implementation requires technical guidance and capacity building – a similar issue with thematic global climate funds.

Officials from cities participating in an Urban-Act workshop expressed that their cities received limited information about the mechanisms and had limited technical capacity to access the funds.

Third, Indonesia has developed several information systems facilitating subnational climate analysis and/or progress reporting, including AKSARA and National Registry System which record mitigation and adaptation activities, SIGN SMART records GHG emissions inventory at the provincial level, and SIDIK which allows analysis of adaptive capacity disaggregated at the village level.

Subject to data availability and quality, the analysis produced by these platforms could aid subnational governments in their development planning and efforts to access financing.

Finally, on vertical and horizontal coordination, Indonesia’s development planning forum, Musrembang, which fosters inclusive and participatory community discussions mandates for development aspirations to be discussed at all levels of government. However, the extent of climate discussions within these forums varies.

To improve conditions for Indonesian cities to access climate finance, there is a need for enhanced technical support to align subnational development planning and budgeting with national climate targets.

This includes strengthening institutional capacity to internalize climate adaptation and mitigation strategies into development programmes/activities, starting from understanding cities’ vulnerability to climate change and the major contributing sectors of GHG emissions all the way to monitoring and evaluation.

Such improvements would enable subnational governments to set measurable targets, prioritize actions, mobilize funding, and follow a clear and trackable roadmap. Policy to enable subnational governments to generate revenue from activities contributing to GHG emissions to finance climate action could be explored further. Incentives provision can also encourage private and subnational governments to move in this direction.

Climate data reporting platforms can be utilized and optimized better by encouraging more participation of subnational governments and relevant stakeholders – which should be accompanied by building technical capacity in data management to improve quality and evidence-based planning.

As climate change is a multistakeholder and multijurisdictional issue, national and subnational governments must facilitate cross-jurisdictional and collaborative urban climate actions to effectively tackle its potential impacts.

Climate action cannot be delayed any longer as the cost of inaction is far outweighing the cost of action. Assessing the enabling conditions at the national level is a crucial first step in understanding the challenges and opportunities of mobilizing urban climate finance. Member States can start by utilizing the tool to foster local climate actions.

Nur Hamidah is Urban Climate Change Specialist, ESCAP; Rebecca Purba is Associate Economic Affairs Officer, Environment and Development Division; Anna Amalia Senior Planner, Ministry of Development Planning of the Republic of Indonesia.

Source: ESCAP

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Delegates from the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development and the Asian Population and Development Association met in Cairo to discuss support for people with disabilities and the elderly. Credit: APDA

By Hisham Allam
CAIRO, Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

In a significant move to address the challenges faced by people with disabilities and the elderly, six Egyptian parliamentary committees met in Cairo on October 12 to discuss national strategies and legislative efforts.

The Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development and the Asian Population and Development Association (APDA), with support from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the Government of Japan, organized the meeting with the focus of aligning Egypt’s policies with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Roughly 1.2 million people with disabilities currently receive state assistance, while Egypt’s elderly population continues to grow. According to the Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics (CAPMAS), 10.64 percent of Egyptians have a disability, and the elderly population reached 9.3 million in 2024, representing 8.8 percent of the total population—4.6 million men (8.5 percent) and 4.7 million women (9.2 percent). The parliamentary committees convened to enhance support for these vulnerable groups.

Dr. Abdelhadi Al-Qasabi, Chairman of the Committee on Social Solidarity, Family, and People with Disabilities, emphasized recent legislative developments. He pointed out that Egypt has passed important legislation, such as the Elderly Care Law in 2024 and the Law on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in 2018, to safeguard these vulnerable groups. He underlined that these laws show the state’s adherence to the Egyptian Constitution, which upholds everyone’s right to a dignified life free from discrimination.

“Egypt has made significant strides by adopting policies and laws that protect and empower people with disabilities and the elderly,” stated Al-Qasabi. “We aim to ensure they are not only recipients of support but contributors to the nation’s progress.”

The “Karama” program of the Egyptian government, which offers financial aid to those with impairments, was the focus of the gathering. Egypt’s Minister of Social Solidarity, Dr. Maya Morsy, noted that the program, which has an annual budget of about 10 billion Egyptian pounds, currently serves 1.2 million people with 1.3 million integrated services cards distributed to make access to social services and healthcare easier.

“We are committed to ensuring that people with disabilities receive their integrated services cards within 30 days, enhancing their access to vital resources.”

Morsy emphasized the Elderly Care Law, which assures those over 65 have better access to social, economic, and healthcare services. “We aim to create an environment where the elderly can live independently, free from abuse or exploitation, while continuing to contribute to society,” she told the audience.

Dr. Hala Youssef, UNFPA Advisor, emphasized the need for international cooperation in meeting the SDGs and ensuring that no one falls behind.

Discussion at a conference under the auspices of the Forum of Arab Parliamentarians on Population and Development and the Asian Population and Development Association discussed the empowerment of people with disabilities and the elderly. Credit: APDA

“Parliamentarians play a strategic role in creating a legislative framework that addresses the needs of the most vulnerable,” Youssef added. “Innovation and technology can be powerful tools for inclusion, providing people with disabilities access to education, employment, and social participation on an equal footing.”

Youssef went on to emphasize disturbing global figures, stating that 46 percent of seniors over 60 have some type of handicap and that persons with disabilities were among the hardest struck during the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Children with disabilities are four times more likely to experience violence than their peers, while adults with disabilities face higher risks of abuse and exploitation,” Youssef said, urging a stronger commitment to protecting their rights.

Dr. Sami Hashim, head of the Committee on Education and Scientific Research, stressed the integration of individuals with disabilities in the educational system. He emphasized that, especially in the age of artificial intelligence, education must be adaptable, inclusive, and forward-thinking.

“Our education system must not only teach knowledge but prepare individuals for success in an increasingly technological world,” said Hashim. “This is particularly important for students with disabilities, who should have access to the tools and opportunities that will allow them to thrive.”

The forum emphasized the critical need for national and international collaboration to build inclusive, egalitarian communities, given that 80% of the one billion persons with disabilities worldwide live in developing nations and that the number of older people in need of assistance is rising.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Kemitoma Siperia Mollie, Praise Aloikin, and Kobusingye Norah appear in court early in September. They were charged with common nuisance. Credit: Wambi Michael/IPS

By Wambi Michael
KAMPALA, Oct 24 2024 (IPS)

Until recently, Margaret Natabi would never have dreamed of taking her anti-corruption fight on the streets of Uganda’s capital, Kampala.

Natabi, 24, is a University student. She has first-hand experience of how corruption affects marginalized groups, especially women and girls.

She was orphaned during childhood. Her mother died while giving birth to one of her siblings. She believes that if it were not for corruption, her mother would not have died.

Natabi is among those arrested in July during the famous “march to parliament in protest.” The march followed a social media campaign by young Ugandans using the hashtag #StopCorruption.

On the day of her arrest, Natabi was holding a poster reading, “The corrupt are playing with the wrong generation.” Data from the latest population and housing census indicate that some 15 million out of a population of 45 million Ugandans.

When the police approached her during the protest, Natabi did not resist.  Female police constables lifted her and bundled her into the police car.

“I was so determined to preach the gospel against corruption to everyone. Even the police officer that was arresting me,” she shared.

However, the arresting officers were not about to listen to her.

“I actually don’t know where the policemen and women got that anger from because I was peaceful. It was as if something was charging them with anger. I was just exercising my constitutional rights. But here they were charging at me with brutal force,” Natabi narrated.

While others went to beat the young men taking part in the protest, she claimed that a male police officer kicked her hard in the back.

“Then the police officer turned to me, saying, ‘Look at you. You have painted nails; you have money to plait in your hair. What has corruption done to you? And you are saying this country is hard for you!’” she narrated.

Natabi further narrated that she insisted on “preaching to the officers” the dangers of corruption.

“I told the officer that by the time you see me here, you don’t know how many things I have lost due to corruption. I do not have a father. I do not have a mother. Do you know how corruption caused that? My mother had to die because she was not attended to at the hospital when she was pregnant. She lost her baby and she lost her life.”

Even though she had just come out of prison, Natabi told IPS that she was not about to give up in her fight against corruption. “Because the more I keep quiet, I’m doing an injustice to my country,” she said

“We may not end corruption. But the number of people who have seen what we are doing, the eyes that we are opening—there is a person today who is going to pick that courage from us,” said Natabi. “When we all keep quiet, nobody is going to rise up. But some people just want to see one person standing up and they will get that courage.”

Natabi is not alone; more and more young women like 25-year-old Claire Namara have come out to challenge the status quo. She was charged with disturbing a lawful religious assembly.

Her problem stemmed from a lone protest during mass at a Catholic church in the suburbs of Kampala. Dressed in black and holding the Ugandan flag, Namara attempted to preach to the congregants about the dangers of the luxurious lifestyle of the country’s Speaker of Parliament, Annett Anita, whom many believe squanders public money for personal gain.

Namara also had a poster with a picture of a sanitary pad with the message, “Magogo’s birthday car would pad one million young girls for a year. #StopCorruption.”

The Police questioned her about the message on the sanitary pad poster.

“He asked me to read the placard twice. I confidently read it because I wrote it when I meant it. He asked me what the meaning of this message was. I told him the cost of Magogo’s car would (provide) pads for one million girls in a year; that is what we are meaning and that is a fact,” Namara narrated.

Anita bought a new Range Rover as a birthday present when millions of girls were going with sanitary pads.

Many young girls in rural Uganda continue to miss long constructive hours away from school because of a lack of sanitary pads.

In 2021, the government and a group of civil society organizations published A Menstrual Health Snapshot of Uganda, which found that 65% (nearly 7 out of 10) of girls and women in Uganda did not have access to products to fully meet their menstrual health needs. It noted that 70 percent of adolescent girls mentioned menstruation as a major hindrance to their optimal school performance.

“I would at certain point fail to get sanitary pads and I would end up using cloth. That is a personal story but as well, in my village, many girls still struggle to afford sanitary pads,” Namara told IPS.

President Yoweri Museveni during the 2016 election pledged to provide funds for free sanitary pads in schools. However, in 2020, his wife, Janet Museveni, also the Minister of Education and Sports, said that there were no funds to sustain the provision of free sanitary pads.

Namara told IPS that while the government said it lacked the money to fund menstrual hygiene, politicians—more so women politicians—have been named in corruption scandals.

“I must believe that even when we think that we have it all, every woman, apart from those who belong to the first family and those who are stealing from our taxes, has struggled to get pads. Even when you access it, you struggle to get that money,” argues Namara, who believes that the state must ensure that young girls have access to safe menstrual hygiene services.

Namara told IPS that while she was facing ridicule from a section of the public that condemned her for carrying “her” protest to church, she has equally been receiving messages of commendation from many.

“We need a bigger discussion in Uganda about women in Uganda and how they are facing these societal norms. I was so disappointed by fellow women who were asking how she could go to protest in church. She is a young girl. Who will marry her?

In early September, Norah Kobusingye, Praise Aloikin Opoloje, and Kemitoma Kyenziibo were arrested while marching the Parliament building with posters “No Corruption.” They had almost stripped naked and painted their bodies.  The youthful protestors, who belong to the Uganda Freedom Activists, were slapped with a common nuisance charge contrary to the Uganda Penal Code Act.

In reaction, the feminist scholar and writer Dr. Stella Nyanzi said the young women’s imprisonment would not deter the peaceful protests.

“Charging comrades Kemitoma Siperia Mollie, Praise Aloikin, and Kobusingye Norah with common nuisance and remanding them to Luzira Women’s Prison until September 12, 2024 will not stop the peaceful #March2Parliament to #StopCorruption and demand that #AnitaMustResign,” observed Nyanzi, known for using “radical rudeness” as a form of political protest similar to what the young men did.

The emergence of a young breed of female anti-corruption actors in Uganda has triggered debate. For some, these young people have broken the formal and cultural barriers about women and corruption.

Dr. Miria Matembe, a former Minister of Ethics and Integrity under Museveni, agrees with those who believe that the young women anti-corruption activists have come to challenge the status quo because the once vibrant women’s movement in Uganda has been silenced.

“Do you hear any NGO going out the way we used to do? They are in their offices doing their work. So the space for us who used to go out is completely closed.”

She told IPS that the entire system of governance in Uganda is corrupt.  “Corruption is not about the Prime Minister because she is a woman. Look at the women politicians individually. They are greedy. We have a transactional parliament. Rather than a transformative parliament. When Museveni wants something, he takes them aside and asks how much.  Therefore, I must say we are heading nowhere,” she said.

Others say they are posing a challenge to women who are holding “big” positions under Museveni. There is a feeling that women in leadership like Vice President Jessica Alupo, Speaker of Parliament Anita Among, and Prime Minister Robina Nabanja have conspired with Museveni in propping up a corrupt regime.

Younger female Ugandans, like Nantongo Bashira, believe that those leaders have let them down.

Bashira, a lecturer at the Islamic University in Uganda, told IPS that young women bear the responsibility to make the future they want.

“We keep on saying the future is female. If you tell us that the future is women and corruption is skyrocketing, the future is female and things are not going your way, it is our responsibility to shape that future that we want,” said Bashira.

Aili Mari Tripp, a Vilas Research Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin-Madison USA, wrote in a paper titled “How African Autocracies Instrumentalize Women Leaders” that Uganda is among the autocracies that have instrumentalized women to stay longer in power.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By Jan Lundius
STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Oct 23 2024 (IPS)

Bronisław Malinowski (1884 – 1942) did for several years conduct socio-anthropological research in the Trobriand Islands. Returning to England after World War I, he wrote several ground breaking books, among them Magic, Science, and Religion in which he assumed that people’s feelings and motives are crucial for understanding the way their society functions. Malinowski considered society to be intimately interlinked with individuality – i.e. an individual’s ideas and behaviour are created and formulated within the social circles s/he lives and vice versa. Consequently, an individual’s personality might influence an entire society, depending on the leading role s/he is granted.

Malinowski found that whenever Trobriand islanders planned to sail into turbulent ocean waters, they performed complicated rituals, but when they planned to sail in the calm waters of a lagoon, they did not perform any ceremonies at all. Accordingly, he came to the conclusion that people become more interested in magic and religion whenever they face a stressful situation:

Magic is to be expected whenever man comes to an unbridgeable gap in his knowledge, or in his powers of practical control, and yet has to continue in his pursuit. Religion is not born out of speculation or reflection, still less of illusion or misapprehension, but rather out of the real tragedies of human life, out of the conflict between human plans and realities.

What about our political leaders, are they confiding in religion and magic? Probably yes and no, though it cannot be denied that several of them make use of people’s fears and religious leanings. When Netanyahu on 27 September spoke to the United Nations General Assembly, he defined the UN as a

swamp of antisemitic bile, there’s an automatic majority willing to demonize the Jewish state for anything. In this anti-Israel flat-earth society, any false charge, any outlandish allegation can muster a majority.

This in spite of the fact that much of this rancour is based on Israel’s refusal to give up support to, and expansion of Jewish settlements, deemed illegal under international law, on Palestinian sovereign territory.

The Israeli Prime Minister quoted the Bible: “Blessed be the Lord, my Rock and my great strength, who trains my hand for war and my fingers for battle [Psalm 144]”, and stated that Israel accordingly would achieve “total victory in the war” and in accordance with the Book of Samuel: “The eternity of Israel will not falter”.

Netanyahu’s anger might be excused due to Hamas’ 7 October breaching of the Gaza-Israel Barrier and killing of 1,139 people, including 695 civilians, among them 38 children. Women were violated and hostages taken. The aftermath was terrible, when the Israeli Army in its hunt for Hamas is continuously destroying Gaza’s infrastructure, indiscriminately putting a whole population in danger and misery and has so far killed more than 43,000 individuals, among them 11,300 children less than five years old.

After Hamas deplorable attack Netanyahu did of course condemn it, but he went further than that by stating that Israel would deal with Hamas in a manner that would affect an entire population, i.e. the Palestinians of Gaza. By doing so he used the Bible declaring that: “You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember.” What did God declare about the Amalekites?

“I will punish the Amalekites for what they did to Israel when they waylaid them as they came up from Egypt. Now go, attack the Amalekites and totally destroy all that belongs to them. Do not spare them; put to death men and women, children and infants, cattle and sheep, camels and donkeys (1 Samuel: 15-16).”

Is Netanyahu religious? I don’t think so. He picks some detail from the Scriptures and uses it for his own political reasons. He is not applying any of the strict Jewish rules, wears the kippah and recites prayers only when his job demands so. He doesn’t show up at synagogue services with any regularity and is known to work on the Shabbat. However, applying religion to politics is something entirely different from being religious, and this is something Netanyahu has in common with another demagogue, namely Donald Trump. I am quite sure that Trump’s Bible knowledge is almost non-existent, but this does not hinder him from hawking his God Bless the USA Bible for 60 USD, in support of his campaign (it’s printed in China). Like his Israeli counterpart Trump acts like a Doomsday prophet while depicting a grim world on the edge of a catastrophe. According to Trump, to avoid an economic collapse, or even a destructive World War, people have to vote for him. Like his American friend, who relies on votes of duped born-again Christians, Netanyahu depends on ultra-Orthodox Jews.

During his years in the US, where he went to school and university, became a business man and Isarel’s UN ambassador, Netanyahu did besides befriending Donald Trump’s father Fred, meet with Rebbe Menachen M. Schneerson (1902-1994), whom he on several occasions has referred to as “the most influential man of our time”.

Schneerson inherited the leadership of a small Hasidic group, almost annihilated during the Holocaust, and turned it into one of the most influential, global movements in religious Jewry. His writings fill more than 400 volumes. After fleeing pogroms in Ukraine, Schneerson lived in New York. He never visited Israel, though Israeli leaders like Sharon, Rabin, Peres, and not the least Netanyahu, visited him and sought his advice. Many of Schneerson’s adherents believe he was the Messiah.

Schneerson’s ideas can be easily discerned in Netanyahu’s policies and speeches. For example, when Netanyahu became UN ambassador Schneerson advised him:

There is an assembly hall there that has eternal falsehood, utter darkness. Remember that in a hall of perfect darkness, totally dark, if you light one small candle, its light will be seen from afar. Its precious light will be seen by everyone. Your mission is to light a candle for truth and the Jewish people.

Schneerson constantly hailed the Israeli Army as a God chosen medium through which He would send deliverance to the Jewish people and like Netanyahu he was a stout adversary to surrender any of the “liberated territories”, i.e. The West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Schneerson stated that the Jewish settlements in occupied territory were “blessed cities” and had to be walled not only in a physical sense, but as a “spiritual” protection. Accordingly, Schneerson was, like Netanyahu, against the peace agreement with the Palestinians and a two-state solution.

Another warmonger claiming religious motivations for his belligerent acts is Vladimir Putin. Like other xenophobes he uses “culture” as a means to unify his acolytes. He has joined forces with a conservative Russian, religious elite to support the narrative of a Russia chosen to defend a specific brand of culture and religion. The Russian Orthodox Church is mobilised as a crucial part of Putin’s policy, to create a common sense of “Spiritual Security”.

Putin has been able to cultivate an enigmatic public persona – a hard and strong man. An image giving birth to rumours, legends and myths around him. Accordingly, it is hard to find proof of his personal, religious convictions, but there are several signs that he might at least be a superstitious man.

Putin has declared himself to be a deeply religious man. He carries on him a baptismal cross given to him by his mother and blessed by Jesus’ tomb in Jerusalem. Relatively early in his presidency, Putin spoke openly about his Russian Orthodox faith and formed a close bond with certain members of the clergy, among them Archimandrite Tikhon, for several years Father Superior of Sretensky monastery and now acting as Metropolitan in the Diocese of Simferopol and Crimea. Tikhon, whose secular name is Georgiy Shevkunov, is rumoured to be Putin’s personal confessor (духовник) and spiritual advisor. Both men have neither confirmed nor denied this, though it is generally known that Putin on his national and international trips often is accompanied by Father Tikhon, though Putin’s travels abroad has now become extremely rare due to an International Criminal Court’s warrant for his arrest as war criminal.

Father Tikhon, who studied film and literature before becoming a priest, has written several books imbued with an ultra-conservative conviction about Russia’s ingrained spirituality, as well as beliefs in faith healing. He is believed to be a spiritual healer himself. Some regime critics compare Tikhon to with the notorious mystic and faith healer Gregori Rasputin, said to have had a disastrous influence on the household of the last Tsar.

As part of his religious, nationalistic persona, Putin has made several highly publicised visits to the legendary Valaam Monastery on an island in Lake Ladoga, where he among other acts has immersed himself in icy water as part of an ancient Orthodox Epiphany ritual. A deed reminding of his Siberian immersions in deer blood and bare-chested rides. These stunts took place in Tuva, home of Putin’s friend and former Defence Minister, Sergei Shoigu. This year he once again visited Tuva, in connection with his first and only visit to a foreign country, neighbouring Mongolia. Sources close to Kremlin claimed that Putin’s third visit to Mongolia in a decade and his many travels to Tuva might be related to his specific attitude to Russian Orthodox mysticism and its connection to Shamanistic traditions. Mongolia and Tuva are considered to be home of the World’s most powerful shamans. Together with Sergei Shoigu, Putin is known to have participated in Shamanistic rituals.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, shamanism has experienced a revival. Similar to several influential church elders, many newly converted shamans have close ties to the authorities, so they may say not only what the spirits whisper to them, but what the officials want to hear. Shamanism is a religious practice that generally means that a shaman through a self-induced trance interacts with the “spirit world”, directing spiritual energies into the physical world and thus becomes able to heal ailments and predict the future. Putin is assumed to meet with shamans to become energised and seek spiritual advice about how to behave, in particular in connection with the war in Ukraine. Since the beginning of the war, invocations and spells have multiplied in the regions of Buryatia, Tuva, Irkutsk and Altai where shamanism is widespread. And according to their own account, there are currently 17 shamans participating in Ukrainian war actions.

As everything connected with Putin rumours are hard to confirm. However, there is no doubt that he, Netanyahu and Trump make use of religion for their own benefit and it is possible that they like Malinowski’s Trobriands are seeking spiritual protection when they venture out into stormy waters. At least they use religion to seduce their followers and in the case of Putin and Netanyahu to find support for their belligerent acts.

Main sources: Pfeffer, Anshel (2018) Bibi: The Turbulent Life and Times of Benjamin Netanyahu. New York: Basic Books and Zygar, Mikhail (2024) ”Gerüchte in Moskau lässt sich Putin von Schamanen für den Krige beraten?” Der Spiegel, 14 September.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Samah Al-Ibrahim is unable to provide milk for her child. Babies born to internally displaced families in the camps in the northern countryside of Idlib are desperate for a regular supply of food and milk supplements for their children. Credit: Sonia al-Ali/IPS

By Sonia Al Ali
IDLIB, Syria, Oct 23 2024 (IPS)

Children in northern Syria are suffering from hunger, illness, and malnutrition as a result of poverty, poor living conditions for most families, and the collapse of purchasing power amid the soaring prices of all essential food commodities. Displacement and a lack of job opportunities make this worse.

Nour al-Hammoud, a 5-year-old girl whose family was displaced from Maarat al-Numan, south of Idlib, to a makeshift camp in the northern countryside of Idlib, near the Syrian-Turkish border, suffers from acute malnutrition. She is extremely thin. 

“My daughter’s immunity is very weak; she suffers from stunted growth and constant illness. We cannot provide her with the nutrients she needs due to our poverty. My husband is unemployed because of a war injury, and humanitarian aid in this camp is almost nonexistent,” her mother, who did not want to be named, says.

The mother indicates that she took her daughter to a pediatrician at a health center more than 5 km from the camp, and the doctor confirmed that the girl was suffering from malnutrition and prescribed medication and supplements, but these haven’t yet made a difference. The mother confirmed that her daughter’s condition is deteriorating day by day, and she is helpless to do anything for her.

Samah al-Ibrahim, 33, from the city of Idlib, northern Syria, is also unable to afford formula milk for her 9-month-old baby, which has affected his growth and health. She says, “My husband works in construction all day for USD 3. We can barely afford our basic necessities, so we can’t buy milk on many days, especially since I can’t breastfeed due to malnutrition myself.”

Al-Ibrahim confirms that she relies on cooking starch with sugar or boiling rice to feed her son, as milk is not available daily.

As for Sanaa al-Barakat, 35, she has been living in a state of severe anxiety after discovering that her 2-year-old daughter, Rim, is suffering from acute malnutrition and stunted growth and it is critical she gets care immediately.

“The doctor diagnosed her with severe malnutrition, which caused brain atrophy and delayed the acquisition of motor skills. She also suffers from difficulty speaking as well as lethargy and refuses to play like other children. Additionally, she is introverted,” al-Barakat.

She said her daughter Rim is not the only one suffering from malnutrition, but all of her four children are as well, because she finds it very difficult to provide her children with the necessary food supplies. She often only manages to feed them one meal a day.

Dr. Nour Al-Abbas (39), a pediatrician from Sarmada, north of Idlib, speaks about malnutrition, saying, “It is a serious health condition where children suffer from a deficiency in the essential nutrients their bodies need, causing them symptoms and signs that vary in severity and danger.”

She confirms that a quarter of children in Idlib suffer from malnutrition due to not getting enough nutritious food due to a lack of and of dietary diversity, which makes them susceptible to disease and weakens their immune systems.”

The doctor explains that the number of children she receives at the health center where she works is increasing. Al-Abbas says the mothers are also often suffering from malnutrition. The conditions the families live in are a result of poverty as a result of displacement due to war, the large number of children in one family, and the inability of mothers to breastfeed.

The spread of infectious diseases among children and reliance on contaminated and unclean drinking water exacerbate the situation. Often the mothers continue attempting to cope without consulting a doctor and when they do finally seek health, the children’s condition is poor.

Al-Abbas points out that the groups most at risk of malnutrition are children after the breastfeeding period, i.e., from the age of 6 months to 6 years. However, some mothers are reluctant to breastfeed their children for several reasons, the most important of which is the mother’s suffering from malnutrition as well.

“Malnutrition has different symptoms, the most important of which are severe weakness and feeling constantly tired, in addition to the child not gaining weight and height with pale skin and yellowing, or the appearance of edema or continuous inflammatory conditions such as dermatitis or peeling around the lips or abdominal distension (bloating),” Al-Abbas says.

The doctor called for additional support from charities and NGOs in an effort to provide food and medicine through field visits to camps.

According to UNICEF estimates, 9 out of 10 children in Syria do not consume minimally acceptable diets, leading to stunting and wasting. As many as 506,530 children under the age of five in Idlib, Syria, and northern rural Aleppo urgently need treatment for acute malnutrition, and nearly 108,000 children suffer from severe wasting. Disease prevalence, a lack of food, and inadequate sanitation services all make the situation worse.

In addition, over 609,900 children under the age of five in Syria suffer from stunting, according to UNICEF estimates. Stunting results from chronic malnutrition and causes irreversible physical and cognitive damage in children. This impacts their ability to learn and their productivity in adulthood.

According to the “Syria Response Coordinators” team, which specializes in statistics in northwestern Syria, the percentage of families below the poverty line is 91.18 percent, while the percentage of families below the hunger line has reached 41.05 percent. All families residing in the region’s widespread camps have been classified as entirely below the poverty line.

Poverty, displacement, and inflation have increased the prevalence of malnutrition among Syrian children, stunting their growth due to the lack of sufficient essential nutrients for their bodies to grow, negatively impacting them and depriving them of their most basic rights.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Madeline, a mother from Gaza, stands in her tent holding her child in her arms. Credit: UNICEF/Eyad El Baba

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 23 2024 (IPS)

The second of the polio vaccination campaign in Gaza has yielded relative success, as so far more than 420,000 children have been vaccinated since the second round of immunizations began one week prior. This exception stands out as the uptick in airstrikes and sustained blockages of aid give humanitarian organizations cause for concern for the deterioration of Gaza, especially in the north.

The Gaza Ministry of Health reported that an Israeli airstrike on Beit Lahiya on October 19 led to at least 87 deaths and caused extensive damage to nearby infrastructure. Dr Eid Sabbah, Kamal Adwan Hospital’s director of nursing, informed reporters that the strikes leveled several buildings and left “more than four or five residential blocks razed to the ground”. Despite this, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have reiterated their claims that their airstrikes are “precision attacks” on Hamas operations, intending to cause no harm to innocent civilians.

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) confirmed on Monday that Israeli authorities continue to deny access to humanitarian missions in the north, with critical deliveries such as food and medicine being impeded.

In a statement first issued on X (formerly Twitter) on October 21, UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini remarked that hospitals in Gaza have been hit by airstrikes and are left without power, leaving the injured to their own devices. Efforts to rescue civilians trapped under the rubble of explosions have been denied. Additionally, the remaining displacement shelters have reached maximum capacity, forcing many displaced individuals to sleep in public latrines.

On October 22, Lazzarini followed up with a new statement on X which is marked as a SOS from UNRWA staff in northern Gaza. The staff present are continuing operations and keeping shelters open throughout the bombardments, even up until now when they cannot find food, water or medical assistance.

“The smell of death is everywhere as bodies are left lying on the roads or under the rubble. Missions to clear the bodies or provide humanitarian assistance are denied,” said Lazzarini. “In northern Gaza, people are just waiting to die. They feel deserted, hopeless and alone. They live from one hour to the next, fearing death at every second.”

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports that between October 6 and 20, over 28 requests for humanitarian missions were denied by Israeli authorities. A further request for aid delivery on October 22 has also been denied.

Conditions in displacement shelters grow worse on a daily basis. OCHA stresses that essential resources such as food, clean water, fuel, and healthcare are dwindling, with telecommunications being severely compromised.

“The fuel needed to keep water facilities running has been depleted, and people are either risking their lives to find drinking water or consuming water from unsafe sources,” said Farhan Haq, Deputy Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General.

The World Food Programme (WFP) has stressed the urgency of food deliveries as the upcoming winter season is expected to greatly exacerbate critical hunger levels throughout the enclave. In October, WFP announced that none of their food parcels were delivered. According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), the risk of famine in Gaza is estimated to rise dramatically between November 2024 and April 2025 if hostilities and aid blockages continue.

“Commercial supplies are down, there is large-scale displacement, infrastructure is decimated, agriculture has collapsed and people have no money. All this is reflected in the IPC’s projection that the situation will get worse from November onwards,” said Arif Husain, WFP’s Chief Economist.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken arrived in Israel on October 22 to discuss ceasefire negotiations with Israeli officials. This comes one week after the U.S. Department of State wrote a letter to Israel, demanding for humanitarian aid missions to be allowed into Gaza unimpeded. If the humanitarian situation does not improve in 30 days, Israel risks losing support from the U.S. military.

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) published a new report on October 22, which estimates that the destruction seen during the course of the Israel-Hamas War will set development in the Gaza Strip back by roughly 69 years. The report adds that poverty levels in Gaza are estimated to affect 74.3 percent of the entire population, or over 4.1 million people.

“Projections in this new assessment confirm that amidst the immediate suffering and horrific loss of life, a serious development crisis is also unfolding – one that jeopardizes the future of Palestinians for generations to come,” said Achim Steiner, Administrator of the UNDP.

The report by the UNDP also hypothesized several recovery scenarios for Gaza. To stand a chance in putting the Palestinian economy back on track to realigning with Palestinian development plans by 2034, it is imperative that a ceasefire is reached, economic restrictions are lifted, and Gaza receives an uninterrupted flow of humanitarian assistance.

Under one of the proposed recovery scenarios, in addition to an annual 280 million dollars being put into humanitarian aid, 290 million dollars must also be allocated for recovery efforts. This plan is estimated to significantly reduce poverty and increase the number of households gaining access to essential services.

“The assessment indicates that, even if humanitarian aid is provided each year, the economy may not regain its pre-crisis level for a decade or more,” said Steiner. “As conditions on the ground allow, the Palestinian people need a robust early recovery strategy embedded in the humanitarian assistance phase, laying foundations for a sustainable recovery.”

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Better drawing rights from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) could assist with the just transition.

By Michael Galant
WASHINGTON DC, Oct 23 2024 (IPS)

This month, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had an opportunity to end one of its most reviled policies and lift billions of dollars of debt off the backs of crisis-stricken developing countries. It chose not to.

The IMF’s ostensible mission is to promote financial stability by providing loans to countries facing economic challenges or crises. These loans must be repaid, with interest, and typically come with harmful conditions of austerity, privatization, and deregulation.

Since 1997, the IMF has also levied fees called surcharges, on top of the regular costs of a loan, on countries whose debt to the Fund exceeds a certain threshold. By the IMF’s logic, these highly indebted countries — like Pakistan, which is still recovering from unprecedented natural disasters, and Ukraine, which is in the midst of a war — surcharges provide an incentive to deter prolonged reliance on the Fund.

In reality, surcharges exacerbate already onerous debt burdens, siphoning scarce resources from countries in need of relief rather than punishment. As a result of the pandemic, the global economic shocks sparked by the war in Ukraine, climate change, and rising interest rates — circumstances well beyond any individual country’s control — the number of countries forced to pay surcharges to the IMF has nearly tripled in the past five years. Clearly, surcharges do not work as claimed.

As the burden of surcharges has grown, so has their opposition. In recent years, researchers have uncovered the profound harms caused by the policy, members of Congress have passed legislation demanding their reassessment, and civil society groups have organized discussions and letters pushing for their elimination.

Ultimately, a clear global majority — including every developing country, leading economists, UN human rights experts, and hundreds of organizations like Oxfam and the International Trade Union Confederation — stood on the side of discontinuing the policy.

Given this near-consensus, the policy’s clear harms, the fact that the IMF has no need for surcharge income, and the historical precedence for their elimination, many assumed that ending surcharges was a low-hanging fruit. Following years of pressure, the IMF initiated a formal review of surcharges this summer.

The outcome of that review, announced last week, provided a welcome measure of relief, but ultimately fell short. Rather than ending the counterproductive policy, the Fund raised the threshold at which surcharges must be paid, and slightly reduced their charge. The Fund also decreased its current non-surcharge lending rate from 4.51 percent to 4.11.

Because of the increased threshold, fewer countries will pay surcharges, though the number could still grow significantly in the coming years, as climate disasters and other external shocks force more countries to take on higher levels of IMF debt.

By the Fund’s measurements, these changes will reduce the costs paid by all borrowers, combined, by $1.2 billion annually. While this is better than what would have occurred without concerted external efforts, the Fund has ultimately doubled down on its procyclical logic while conceding only enough to alleviate pressure.

Inside reports indicate that the United States, which has the largest vote under the Fund’s undemocratic governance structure, was the primary blocker of more substantive reform, proposing instead to use the income from surcharges to cover for wealthy countries’ own funding shortfalls.

For many highly indebted countries, including Ecuador, Argentina, Ukraine, Egypt, and Pakistan, the failure to discontinue surcharges means a multi-billion dollar bill will soon come due, making it harder to reduce debts to sustainable levels or to finance development, climate action, and other critical needs.

This, in turn, adds fuel to the fire of an already vicious cycle of debt, underdevelopment, and climate change; nearly 80 developing countries are already in or at risk of debt distress, three quarters of which are highly climate vulnerable.

This is hardly the first time the IMF has imperiled the Global South. The IMF is perhaps best known for its role during the debt crises of the 1980s and 1990s, in which emergency loans were used to force developing countries to adopt neoliberalizing reforms that resulted in lost decades of economic growth.

In response to these evident harms, mounting global protests, and decreasing reliance on Fund lending, the IMF in the 2000s began to adopt better rhetoric, established new fora for civil society participation, and eventually even owned up to many of its failures. But while these cosmetic changes defused opposition, the Fund did not fundamentally alter its approach.

Since the 2008 financial crisis, and accelerating during the pandemic, developing countries have once again been forced to accumulate a powder keg of debt. The IMF’s response has not only been insufficient, but, in the case of surcharges and the continued insistence on austerity, actively harmful. Meanwhile, attempts to democratize the IMF’s governance structure and give greater voice to countries of the Global South have repeatedly faltered.

But while the IMF long ago revealed its true face, developing countries have had nowhere else to turn. In today’s increasingly multipolar world, that may soon change. China’s emergence as the world’s largest bilateral creditor, the establishment of the BRICS+’s New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Agreement, efforts to build alternatives to the US dollar and its attendant monetary constraints — countries across the Global South are seeking to reduce dependence on the IMF.

While these alternatives remain nascent, the fact that the Fund has proven unresponsive to even the simplest of reforms should only hasten this process.

Civil society groups, meanwhile, who hoped that directly engaging with the IMF would lead to substantive change, may yet become disillusioned. If all this time, resources, and energy could not even end surcharges, perhaps the prospects of “change from within” should be abandoned — and the era of mass protest from outside the security perimeter, revitalized.

Discontinuing surcharges alone would not have solved the many crises facing the Global South. But the failure to do so has made clear that the solutions do not lie within the IMF. When even the low-hanging fruit is out of reach, perhaps all that is left is to strike at the root.

Michael Galant is a Senior Research and Outreach Associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) in Washington, DC. He is also a member of the Secretariat of Progressive International. Views are his own. He can be found on X at @michael_galant.

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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

New institutional economics (NIE) has received another so-called Nobel prize, ostensibly for again claiming that good institutions and democratic governance ensure growth, development, equity and democracy.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson (AJR) are well known for their influential cliometric work. AJR have elaborated earlier laureate Douglass North’s claim that property rights have been crucial to growth and development.

But the trio ignore North’s more nuanced later arguments. For AJR, ‘good institutions’ were transplanted by Anglophone European (‘Anglo’) settler colonialism. While perhaps methodologically novel, their approach to economic history is reductionist, skewed and misleading.

NIE caricatures
AJR fetishises property rights as crucial for economic inclusion, growth and democracy. They ignore and even negate the very different economic analyses of John Stuart Mill, Dadabhai Naoroji, John Hobson and John Maynard Keynes, among other liberals.

Historians and anthropologists are very aware of various claims and rights to economic assets, such as cultivable land, e.g., usufruct. Even property rights are far more varied and complex.

The legal creation of ‘intellectual property rights’ confers monopoly rights by denying other claims. However, NIE’s Anglo-American notion of property rights ignores the history of ideas, sociology of knowledge, and economic history.

More subtle understandings of property, imperialism and globalisation in history are conflated. AJR barely differentiates among various types of capital accumulation via trade, credit, resource extraction and various modes of production, including slavery, serfdom, peonage, indenture and wage labour.

John Locke, Wikipedia’s ‘father of liberalism’, also drafted the constitutions of the two Carolinas, both American slave states. AJR’s treatment of culture, creed and ethnicity is reminiscent of Samuel Huntington’s contrived clashing civilisations. Most sociologists and anthropologists would cringe.

Colonial and postcolonial subjects remain passive, incapable of making their own histories. Postcolonial states are treated similarly and regarded as incapable of successfully deploying investment, technology, industrial and developmental policies.

Thorstein Veblen and Karl Polanyi, among others, have long debated institutions in political economy. But instead of advancing institutional economics, NIE’s methodological opportunism and simplifications set it back.

Another NIE Nobel
For AJR, property rights generated and distributed wealth in Anglo-settler colonies, including the US and Britain’s dominions. Their advantage was allegedly due to ‘inclusive’ economic and political institutions due to Anglo property rights.

Variations in economic performance are attributed to successful transplantation and settler political domination of colonies. More land was available in the thinly populated temperate zone, especially after indigenous populations shrank due to genocide, ethnic cleansing and displacement.

These were far less densely populated for millennia due to poorer ‘carrying capacity’. Land abundance enabled widespread ownership, deemed necessary for economic and political inclusion. Thus, Anglo-settler colonies ‘succeeded’ in instituting such property rights in land-abundant temperate environments.

Such colonial settlement was far less feasible in the tropics, which had long supported much denser indigenous populations. Tropical disease also deterred new settlers from temperate areas. Thus, settler life expectancy became both cause and effect of institutional transplantation.

The difference between the ‘good institutions’ of the ‘West’ – including Anglo-settler colonies – and the ‘bad institutions’ of the ‘Rest’ is central to AJR’s analysis. White settlers’ lower life expectancy and higher morbidity in the tropics are then blamed on the inability to establish good institutions.

Anglo-settler privilege
However, correct interpretation of statistical findings is crucial. Sanjay Reddy offers a very different understanding of AJR’s econometric analysis.

The greater success of Anglo settlers could also be due to colonial ethnic bias in their favour rather than better institutions. Unsurprisingly, imperial racist Winston Churchill’s History of the English-Speaking Peoples celebrates such Anglophone Europeans.

AJR’s evidence, criticised as misleading on other counts, does not necessarily support the idea that institutional quality (equated with property rights enforcement) really matters for growth, development and equality.

Reddy notes that international economic circumstances favouring Anglos have shaped growth and development. British Imperial Preference favoured such settlers over tropical colonies subjected to extractivist exploitation. Settler colonies also received most British investments abroad.

For Reddy, enforcing Anglo-American private property rights has been neither necessary nor sufficient to sustain economic growth. For instance, East Asian economies have pragmatically used alternative institutional arrangements to incentivise catching up.

He notes that “the authors’ inverted approach to concepts” has confused “the property rights-entrenching economies that they favor as ‘inclusive’, by way of contrast to resource-centered ‘extractive’ economies.”

Property vs popular rights
AJR’s claim that property rights ensure an ‘inclusive’ economy is also far from self-evident. Reddy notes that a Rawlsian property-owning democracy with widespread ownership contrasts sharply with a plutocratic oligarchy.

Nor does AJR persuasively explain how property rights ensured political inclusion. Protected by the law, colonial settlers often violently defended their acquired land against ‘hostile’ indigenes, denying indigenous land rights and claiming their property.

‘Inclusive’ political concessions in the British Empire were mainly limited to the settler-colonial dominions. In other colonies, self-governance and popular franchises were only grudgingly conceded under pressure.

Prior exclusion of indigenous rights and claims enabled such inclusion, especially when surviving ‘natives’ were no longer deemed threatening. Traditional autochthonous rights were circumscribed, if not eliminated, by settler colonists.

Entrenching property rights has also consolidated injustice and inefficiency. Many such rights proponents oppose democracy and other inclusive and participatory political institutions that have often helped mitigate conflicts.

The Nobel committee is supporting NIE’s legitimisation of property/wealth inequality and unequal development. Rewarding AJR also seeks to re-legitimise the neoliberal project at a time when it is being rejected more widely than ever before.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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A mother sits with 3 children in a displacement shelter in Léogâne, Haiti. Credit: UNICEF/Maxime Le Lijour

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

On October 19, the United Nations (UN) Security Council unanimously voted to expand an arms embargo in an effort to combat the high levels of gang violence that plagues Haiti. Armed groups have taken control of the majority of Port-Au-Prince, the nation’s capital, leading to numerous clashes with the local police. Humanitarian organizations hope that this embargo will prevent Haitian gangs from accessing illicit weapons and munitions unchecked.

Robert Muggah, the author of a UN report on Haiti’s illicit imports and the founder of Igarapé Institute, a think tank that focuses on emerging security issues, informed reporters that the majority of Haiti’s weapons are sourced and flown out by the United States. Approximately 50 percent of imported firearms were handguns and 37 percent were rifles. According to the UN Security Council, firepower procured by Haitian gangs exceeds that of the Haitian National Police.

The majority of these purchases originate from U.S. “straw-men”, who buy weapons from licensed dealers in the United States and don’t disclose that the weapons are for someone else in Haiti. The weapons are then smuggled into the country and sold to Haitian gang members. Last Friday, the Security Council urged the Haitian government to tighten its border controls.

This comes after the Pont-Sonde attack on October 3, which resulted in over 115 civilian deaths. This attack was perpetrated by the Gran Grif gang, a gang that operates in the Artibonite region of Haiti. Roughly ten years ago, Gran Grif members were supplied firearms by former legislator Prophane Victor in an attempt to secure his election as deputé. Residents in the Artibonite region blamed both the Haitian government for their lackluster response efforts, and the United States for supplying the gang with arms.

Humanitarian experts on Haiti have also voiced their concerns about the United States’ role in the conflict.

“Haiti doesn’t produce guns and ammunition, yet the gang members don’t seem to have any trouble accessing those things,” said Pierre Esperance, executive director of Haiti’s National Human Rights Defense Network.

“One way the US could help (reduce violence in Haiti) immediately and directly would be to really seriously crack down on the flow of illegal weapons,” said William O’Neill, the UN Designated Expert of the High Commissioner on the situation of Human Rights in Haiti.

Humanitarian organizations are hopeful that last Friday’s resolution will effectively disarm the majority of Haitian gangs. The crisis in Haiti continues to grow more dire every day, with regular attacks on civilians exacerbating mass displacement and nationwide food insecurity.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), over 700,000 Haitians have been displaced due to armed attacks by gangs, with over 497,000 fleeing to the Dominican Republic. Their president, Luis Abinader announced at the end of September that the Dominican Republic would begin deporting over 10,000 Haitian migrants each week, a move that went into effect on October 7.

Activists have warned that mass deportations of Haitian migrants would leave them highly vulnerable to being targeted by gangs once they return. “There are a great number of armed groups that are just like birds of prey waiting to swoop down and take advantage of these people,” said Sam Guillaume, spokesperson for Haiti’s Support Group for Returnees and Refugees.

Haitian Prime Minister Gary Conille said, “The forced and mass deportation of our Haitian compatriots from the Dominican Republic is a violation of the fundamental principles of human dignity.”

Violence in Port-Au-Prince, Haiti’s commercial powerhouse, and the Artibonite Region, where the country’s production of rice is concentrated, has led to increasing emergency levels of hunger throughout the nation. The World Food Programme (WFP) is currently on the frontlines providing emergency assistance and raising funds to mitigate hunger in Haiti.

“WFP is urgently calling for broad-based support to massively increase lifesaving assistance to families struggling every day with extreme food shortages, spiraling malnutrition and deadly diseases,” said Cindy McCain, WFP’s Executive Director. “There can be no security or stability in Haiti when millions are facing starvation.”

On October 11, Kenyan President William Ruto announced that he would send 600 troops to Haiti next month in an effort to combat gang violence. The United States had also announced that they would extend their Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti for another year.

Despite optimism about these initiatives by Ruto, Conille, and U.S. President Joe Biden, Haitian officials have expressed concern that foreign powers will not be able to effectively handle the situation in Haiti.

“It’ll make some difference, but that doesn’t replace the amount of Haitian police that have left in the last two years. You’re replacing them with people who don’t speak French or Creole, don’t know the neighborhoods, can’t interact with people or do intelligence work,” said Brian Concannon, Executive Director for Justice and Democracy in Haiti.

The UN is supporting the Haitian National Police (HNP) in their efforts to end gang violence and stabilize the nation. Kenya, Chad, Jamaica, The Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belize, and Benin have notified the Secretary-General of their intentions to support this mission. In addition, the UN and its affiliated organizations are currently providing on-site assistance to affected communities, distributing food, water, cash transfers, and school kits.

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The scientific journal “Journal of the Institute for African studies” – is the only periodical in Russia, entirely devoted to the problems of African countries – and it publishes articles and other materials on international relations, political, economic and social processes occurring in the African continent, its history and cultural anthropology.

By Kester Kenn Klomegah
MOSCOW, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

At a recent media briefing, Maria Zakharova, the spokesperson for Russia’s Foreign Ministry, criticized the United States for its support of educational programs, media and NGOs in Africa. Zakharova argued that these efforts are part of a broader attempt by the U.S. to impose Western values and governance models on sovereign African states, framing it as a form of neo-colonialism.

Zakharova’s remarks, available on the official Russian Foreign Ministry website, suggest that the U.S. is actively promoting anti-Russian sentiment in African media. She stated, “We see this as Washington’s attempt to undermine the favorable socio-political environment for Russia in the region, portraying us as a destabilizing force. This method of unfair competition and misinformation highlights the lack of evidence behind the so-called Russian propaganda.”

However, while Russia criticizes Western influence in African media, it faces its own significant media challenges in Africa. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia has done little to encourage African media, particularly those from Sub-Saharan Africa, to establish a presence in the country. Conversely, Russian media outlets like RIA Novosti, Sputnik News, and TASS News Agency have minimal influence in Africa compared to Western media giants.

Despite recent efforts by the State Duma, Russia’s lower house of parliament, to increase Russian media presence in Africa, the lack of opportunities for African media in Russia remains a stark reality. During a meeting aimed at enhancing Russia-Africa relations, State Duma Chairman Vyacheslav Volodin acknowledged the need for Russian media to have a stronger presence in Africa, even as he admitted that their reach is far behind that of the U.S., UK, and Germany.

Experts argue that this lack of mutual media representation exacerbates misunderstandings between Russia and Africa. As a result, African leaders and businesses often rely on Western media for information about Russia, leading to a one-sided view that often reflects Western biases.

Interestingly, while the Russian Foreign Ministry accredits media from across the globe, only two African media outlets, both from North Africa, are currently recognized. This low representation does not reflect the growing diplomatic and economic ties between Russia and Africa.

At the first and the second Russia-Africa summits, panelists repeatedly highlighted the dominance of Western media in Africa and its impact on African perceptions of Russia. Mikhail Bogdanov, Russia’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, pointed out that the absence of Russian media in Africa creates a vacuum that is filled by biased reports from other media outlets.

Professor Alexey Vasiliev, an expert on African relations with Russia, noted that Africa’s reliance on Western media leads to a skewed understanding of Russia, perpetuating narratives of Russophobia and anti-Russian propaganda. He emphasized the need for better communication and understanding between the two regions.

Some experts also criticize Russia for its reluctance to engage with Sub-Saharan African media. Despite the two Russia-Africa summits, aimed at strengthening ties, there has been little progress in fostering media cooperation.

The reality is that both Russia and Africa need to deepen their media engagement to enhance mutual understanding and cooperation. As Africa’s middle class continues to grow, representing a vibrant information market, the need for a balanced and comprehensive media coverage from both sides becomes increasingly crucial.

Professor Vladimir Shubin, former Deputy Director of the Institute for African Studies, stressed the importance of media in maintaining and enhancing Russia-Africa relations. He urged both regions to actively promote their achievements and development needs through media to foster a better understanding and stronger partnership.

To overcome these challenges, both Russia and Africa must take concrete steps towards building a more collaborative media landscape. This includes creating opportunities for African journalists in Russia and increasing the presence of Russian media in Africa.

The relationship between Russia and Africa, deeply rooted in history, needs to be strengthened through increased media cooperation. This would not only improve understanding between the regions but also support the broader goal of developing a dynamic and multifaceted partnership, especially in this emerging multipolar world.

Kester Kenn Klomegah focuses on current geopolitical changes, foreign relations and economic development-related questions in Africa with external countries. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted in several reputable foreign media.

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International Animal Rescue’s (IAR) mangrove planting project is critical to prevent coastal erosion. Credit: IAR

By Gavin Bruce
UCKFIELD, Sussex, UK, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

As COP16 approaches, we have been reflecting on the state of our planet in 2024; the word “crisis” feels insufficient to describe the devastation we’re witnessing.

Forests that once teemed with life are disappearing. Coral reefs, once vibrant and full of colour, are turning barren. Species are being driven from their habitats, and extreme weather events like floods and wildfires are becoming all too common. These are not abstract threats—this is our new reality.

It is an extremely serious and urgent situation

With COP16 fast approaching, it’s clearer than ever that the world is at a critical juncture. From October 21 to November 1, leaders from over 190 countries will gather in Cali, Colombia, to discuss how we can halt biodiversity loss and confront the climate emergency. Yet, COP16 is more than just another conference, it’s a wake-up call.

The Stakes Could Not Be Higher

Promises have been made before. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework in 2022 was a landmark moment, with 23 targets set to halt and reverse biodiversity loss by 2030. But talk is cheap without action.

Since then, we’ve continued to see coastal ecosystems like mangroves and coral reefs decimated by rising sea levels and ocean acidification. Inland, once-thriving ecosystems are suffering under the pressures of severe droughts, floods, and fires.

In my role at International Animal Rescue, I have seen the impact of these crises firsthand. Rising sea levels threaten coastal mangroves, which protect our shores and offer critical habitats for countless species. In Armenia, erratic weather patterns are disrupting wildlife, while in Costa Rica, we’re seeing an increasing number of injured animals brought to us, victims of habitats destroyed by climate-linked disasters.

COP16 is a Moment for Us All To Focus and Take Action

It’s easy to see COP16 as a high-level negotiation for world leaders to tackle. But the truth is, the change we so desperately need won’t come from government action alone. Each of us has a part to play, and every small choice we make matters. Every time we opt for a sustainable product, reduce waste or support a conservation project, we’re pushing the world closer to the future we want to see.

Every purchase we make, whether it’s buying a sandwich or buying energy, every decision we make, whether it’s turning a light on or cutting the grass, every time we have the power, we have an opportunity to choose. The choice should be one that supports a more sustainable, nature-friendly future.

At COP16, leaders must be held to their promises, but we can’t wait for them to act. It’s time for us to use the power of choice while we still have it.

Nature Needs Us As Much as We Need Nature

At International Animal Rescue, we’re doing what we can. In Indonesia, we’re restoring mangroves to protect coastlines and create safe havens for wildlife. In Armenia, we’re rescuing endangered brown bears and releasing them into protected environments. In Costa Rica, we’re rehabilitating animals displaced by climate disasters, giving them a second chance at life in the wild.

But we can’t do it alone. The future of our planet’s biodiversity depends on global cooperation and grassroots action.

That’s why we focus on empowering local communities. The people who depend on ecosystems for their livelihoods are often the best protectors of those systems. Working together can restore degraded landscapes, protect endangered species, and help communities adapt to our changing world.

If we all act now, there is hope

Although news outlets worldwide will leave people sitting at home thinking that COP16 is just another diplomatic gathering, it’s not. COP16 is a critical moment for the future of life on Earth. If we fail to act decisively now, we risk losing not just species and ecosystems but the ability of future generations to live in harmony with nature.

The path ahead is daunting, but there is hope. By working together with governments, businesses, local communities, and as individuals, we can take steps to make a difference, halt biodiversity loss, and give our planet a fighting chance. We must make peace with nature, not for its sake, but for our own.

Let COP16 be the turning point. Let it be remembered as the moment we stopped merely talking about change; this is when we started making it happen. If we can do that, the world might still have a chance. But we must act now.

Every small choice matters. Every voice matters. And the time to make those choices and raise our voices is today. We can no longer leave it to world leaders; every person on the planet has a role to play. Let’s refocus. Let’s rethink. Let’s act before it’s too late.

Gavin Bruce is CEO, International Animal Rescue (IAR)

#cop16 #InternationalAnimalRescue #Environment #Conservation #AnimalWelfare #Climate #COP

Watch our urgent call to action video ‘Refocus & Rethink’ here https://bit.ly/IAR-Refocus-Rethink-COP16

International Animal Rescue is a global organisation dedicated to rescuing and rehabilitating animals suffering from injury, illness, and cruelty. The organisation also works to protect the natural habitats of these animals and raise awareness about the importance of conservation. Through events like the Rainforest Run, International Animal Rescue mobilises people worldwide to take action for the well-being of animals and the environment. www.internationalanimalrescue.org

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