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A new report, Femicides in 2023: Global Estimates of Intimate Partner/Family Member Femicide, 60 per cent of women homicides were committed by an intimate partner or other family member. Credit: Mika Baumeister/Unsplash

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 25 2024 (IPS)

Every 10 minutes, one woman or girl is killed at the hands of their partner or other family member. This is only scratching the surface on how femicide, one of the most extreme forms of violence against women, persists at high levels around the world.

UN-Women and the UN Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) released a joint report, Femicides in 2023: Global Estimates of Intimate Partner/Family Member Femicides, on November 25, the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.

The joint report breaks down statistical findings on the global rate of femicide—intentional killing of women—in 2023. The report focuses on femicide perpetrated by intimate partners or family members.

“The new femicide report highlights the urgent need for strong criminal justice systems that hold perpetrators accountable while ensuring adequate support for survivors, including access to safe and transparent reporting mechanisms,” said Ghada Waly, Executive Director of UNODC.

Globally, 85,000 women and girls were murdered in 2023. 60 percent of these homicides, or 51,000, were committed by an intimate partner or other family member. The report contrasts this with the fact that nearly 12 percent of male homicide victims in 2023 were killed by an intimate partner or family member, or 1 in 10 victims. This highlights a clear gendered disparity within homicide cases, wherein the domestic sphere is more dangerous for women and girls than for men and boys.

In the last year, Africa recorded the highest rates of intimate partner and family-related (IP/FR) femicide, followed by the Americas and then by Oceania.  In Europe and the Americas, most female victims killed in the domestic sphere—64 percent and 58 percent, respectively—were killed at the hands of intimate partners. By contrast, in Asia, Africa, and Oceania, most female victims were killed by family members compared to intimate partners, by 59 percent and 41 percent, respectively. The report also points out that while Africa hosts the highest rates of IP/FR femicide, regional rates of femicide should be subject to uncertainty due to the limitations in data availability.

This limitation in data availability is also apparent in the report’s breakdown of time trends in IP/FR femicide, explored within the context of Europe and the Americas. The IP/FR rate of femicide in 2023 was roughly the same as it was in 2010. Yet in that same period, there was a gradual decrease in the femicide rate. This suggests that changes can be slow to infiltrate into common practice, and that the risk factors and causes for this form of violence are rooted in practices and norms that will not change quickly.

“Violence against women and girls is not inevitable—it is preventable. We need robust legislation, improved data collection, greater government accountability, a zero-tolerance culture, and increased funding for women’s rights organizations and institutional bodies,” said UN Women Executive Director Sima Bahous.

Through their annual report, the 16 Days of Activism and UNiTE campaigns, UN-Women and UNODC are calling for an end to impunity by holding the perpetrators of violence accountable and to invest in preventative measures that protect the rights of survivors and provide them with essential services. Preventative measures can include strengthening legislation and criminal justice responses to domestic violence, with the report noting specific measures like protection orders and removing firearms from a perpetrator’s possession.

Information-sharing and collaboration across multiple entities relevant in a domestic violence investigation, such as social services, healthcare facilities, and the police, can also factor into identifying the risk of further harm or femicide. In 2021, Colombia introduced an integrated protocol where women affected by gender-based violence could complete an evaluation to determine the level of risk of lethal harm, following which they would work with relevant authorities to develop a safety plan with urgent actions to take to mitigate the risk of femicide. Between 2021 and 2022, through this tool, it was found that 35 to 40 percent of women experiencing intimate-partner violence were at an extreme risk of falling victim to femicide.

When focusing on the prevalence of IP/FR femicide, particularly where partners are the perpetrators, what is clear is that it is the culmination of ongoing domestic violence. In France, 37 percent of women that were killed by their intimate partners had also previously reported physical, psychological, and sexual abuse at the hands of their partner. The violence may end there, but in some cases it continues, with either the perpetrator taking his own life shortly after or directing violence towards any children they share.

What is also clear is that data collection efforts must be supported through initiatives led by specialized government agencies or by national statistics offices. The limitations in data availability on family-related femicide need to be addressed, especially in Africa and Asia that report higher rates of femicide perpetrated by family members.

This year marks the 25th anniversary of International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. Just beyond the horizon is the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action in 2025. This presents an opportunity that stakeholders must take to strengthen women’s rights and gender equality.

“As we approach the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 2025, it is time for world leaders to UNiTE and act with urgency, recommit, and channel the resources needed to end this crisis once and for all,” said Bahous.

Public campaigns like UNiTE and advocacy efforts through civil society and non-governmental organizations have been key in raising awareness of the prevalence of gender-based violence and in drawing condemnation for the behaviors that perpetuate it.

Yet what is also clear is that even with these efforts and the measures taken by governments and other stakeholders to protect survivors of violence, femicide persists at alarmingly high levels on a global scale. This speaks of extreme forms of gender-based violence that are entrenched in societal and cultural norms and regressive gender stereotypes. It speaks to a global culture where half of the world’s population is taught to never feel completely safe, not even within their own home.
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A Sudanese child residing in a displacement camp in Tawila, located in the northern region of Darfur. Credit: UNICEF/Mohammed Jamal

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 25 2024 (IPS)

As living conditions in Sudan deteriorate as a result of the Sudanese Civil War, levels of famine and violations of international humanitarian law continue to accelerate among the roughly 11.5 million displaced persons. Conflict between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) have severely hampered aid efforts, leaving millions of civilians to deal with widespread disease and an overall lack of essential resources.

New data from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) shows that South Sudan has been hit the hardest by famine, with roughly 57 percent of the population projected to be acutely food insecure through the 2025 lean season. Children will be disproportionately affected, with many facing the highest levels of hunger and malnutrition on the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) scale.

Since the wake of the civil war, nearly 30,000 Sudanese refugees have fled to Tuti Island, a small island in Sudan that borders the Nile. In April 2023, the RSF had besieged the island, transforming it into an “open-air prison” that teems with disease and insecurity. As of October of this year, most of the refugees residing on Tuti have returned to the mainland. The latest study from the IPC shows that nearly 85 percent of returnees will be faced with catastrophic hunger as of early next year.

UNICEF’s representative’s South Sudan Hamida Lasseko reports that due to malnutrition and compromised water sanitation systems in Sudan, waterborne diseases have begun to spread among displaced populations. Hunger has decimated the immune systems of displaced populations, leaving them highly vulnerable to malaria, dengue fever, and cholera.

A study conducted by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports more than 28,000 cases of cholera and 836 deaths from July 2024 to October 2024. Dengue fever has surged in the Kassala and Khartoum regions, with 4,544 cases and 12 deaths as of October 28. It is noted that cases likely exceed what is reported.

“We are racing against time. With heavy rains and flooding, diseases can spread more rapidly and severely worsen the outlook for the children in the affected states and beyond,” says Sheldon Yett, UNICEF Representative to Sudan.

Civilians continue to get caught in the crossfires of this war, leading to an increasing number of civilian casualties. Due to the scale of fighting in the state capital, Khartoum, it is difficult for experts to determine the exact number of lives lost from war-related causes.

The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine’s Sudan Research Group estimates that although the majority of deaths observed in Sudan are from disease and malnutrition, there are an estimated 26,000 people who have succumbed to injuries as a “direct result of violence” in the Khartoum state.

In Darfur, a region located in Sudan’s west, there are predicted to be many more casualties, along with reports of ethnic cleansing and violations of international humanitarian law. According to a press release from Amnesty International, French military technology is being used by the two warring parties, which is in clear violation of the UN arms embargo.

“Our research shows that weaponry designed and manufactured in France is in active use on the battlefield in Sudan. The Galix System is being deployed by the RSF in this conflict, and any use in Darfur would be a clear breach of the UN arms embargo. All countries must immediately cease direct and indirect supplies of all arms and ammunition to the warring parties in Sudan,” said Agnès Callamard, Secretary-General, Amnesty International.

Due to extensive conflict between the warring parties, healthcare systems have been severely damaged, leading to a lack of critical assistance for millions of people that are grappling with disease and/or those who face war-related injuries. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), roughly 70 to 80 percent of Sudan’s medical facilities are non or partly functional. This is primarily due to a lack of funding and warring parties looting the facilities, leaving medical equipment damaged.

“It’s extremely dire. Sudanese colleagues are facing shortages of essential medicines. There was a point not too long ago when 85 of our staff there were sick, many with severe malaria, and we didn’t even have treatment for them. They’re often sheltering in camps while trying to continue to work, and then they get sick and we can’t look after them,” said Avril Benoît, Executive Director of Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières in the United States.

Benoît adds that relief responses from the international community have been largely inadequate in mitigating the humanitarian crisis in Sudan. This is primarily due to a lack of funding. As of October, the United Nations’ 2024 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Sudan has reached only 57 percent funding out of the required 2.7 billion dollars. This greatly impacts aid efforts and leaves humanitarian organizations unable to scale up responses.

On November 13, Sudanese authorities allowed for humanitarian aid trucks to access the Adre crossing for another 3 months. Humanitarian organizations predict that the Adre crossing will be an indispensable route for aid deliveries as it allows for highly vulnerable populations in Darfur to be reached through Chad.

Clementine Nkweta-Salami, United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Sudan has said that the humanitarians in Sudan welcome this decision, for the Adre crossing is a “critical lifeline” for the vulnerable people across the country but especially in Darfur. “Keeping the Adre border open means humanitarians can continue to deliver emergency food and nutrition supplies, medicine, shelter, and other life-saving assistance to hundreds of thousands of hungry, malnourished mothers and children, people suffering from diseases, and others that desperately need these supplies.”

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The AKASA safe house is seen in Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka. August 2023. Credit: UN Women/Ravindra Rohana

By Shihana Mohamed
NEW YORK, Nov 25 2024 (IPS)

A woman’s right to live free from violence is upheld by international agreements like the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the 1993 UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women.

The International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, observed on November 25th, 2024, serves as a significant platform to raise awareness about gender-based violence. Globally, one in three women experiences physical or sexual violence, mostly by an intimate partner.

In his message for the 2024 International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated, “The epidemic of violence against women and girls shames humanity. Every day, on average, 140 women and girls are killed by someone in their own family.

Around one in three women still experience physical or sexual violence. Almost 30 years since the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action promised to prevent and eliminate violence against women and girls — it’s beyond time to deliver”.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a serious public health and human rights concern and affects millions of women worldwide, often remaining underreported and behind closed doors. IPV is particularly acute in South Asia where 35% of ever-partnered women reported experiencing IPV in their lifetime, compared to 20% in Western Europe and 21% in high-income Asia Pacific.

The reasons are complex and include a combination of socio-economic structures, patriarchal attitudes, and prevalent social norms that define gender roles. IPV remains a largely hidden and stigmatized issue, with many women suffering in silence in South Asia.

IPV in Sri Lanka is a significant and pervasive issue. An estimated 40% of women aged 15 years or older reported experiencing physical, sexual, emotional, and/or economic violence or controlling behaviors by a partner in their lifetime. Disturbingly, 21% of the population, or about 4.6 million women, are affected by IPV, given that women constitute 52% of Sri Lanka’s 23.1 million population.

These figures reflect reported cases, but IPV is significantly underreported due to fear of stigma, lack of awareness about available support services, and reluctance to involve authorities in family matters. Many women fear retaliation from their abusers or social ostracism if they speak out.

The Prevention of Domestic Violence Act (PDVA), passed in 2005, provides legal protection for victims of domestic violence in Sri Lanka, allowing them to obtain protection orders against their abusers. The PDVA defines domestic violence as “physical or emotional harm done by a spouse, ex-spouse, or cohabiting partner.” However, its effectiveness has been criticized due to issues with enforcement and limited awareness among both victims and law enforcement.

Despite high levels of educational attainment, 73.5 per cent of Sri Lankan women of working age are out of the labor force, compared to just 26.5% of men. This is mainly due to their engagement in household duties, including care work. Aggravating this situation, women on average earn 27 per cent less than men for one hour of work.

Consequently, many women economically depend on their partners, making it hard to leave abusive relationships. Especially in rural areas, they may lack financial resources or social support to escape violence. This financial vulnerability is a key barrier to addressing IPV in Sri Lanka. Empowering women economically and socially can reduce their dependency on abusive partners.

Among Sri Lankan faith-based communities such as Buddhists, Muslims, Hindus, and Christians, religious leaders are influential authorities on behavior and sources of guidance on proper conduct in relationships, including family and marriage. Therefore, they can play a crucial role in motivating men to cede power and reduce IPV.

This approach, guided more by principles of peace and social justice than by a rights agenda, cannot replace rights-based solutions to end IPV. Therefore, it is necessary to encourage and promote collaboration between faith-based and rights-based organizations to address and end violence against women and girls in Sri Lanka.

Various research shows that the ethnic dimensions of the civil war and the continuing ethnic tensions post-war have worsened the situation for Tamil and Muslim women in Sri Lanka, creating conditions that are likely to keep them entrapped in abusive relationships.

There are also strong associations between IPV and suicidal behavior in Sri Lanka, signaling the need to prioritize violence reduction both on its own and within national suicide prevention strategies.

Empowering women, educating communities, and involving men in the conversation are essential steps toward reducing IPV in Sri Lanka. NGOs like the Women’s Education and Research Centre and international organizations run awareness campaigns to educate people about IPV, its harmful effects, legal rights, and available support services.

These campaigns also engage men and boys in discussions about gender equality and the unacceptability of IPV. The goal is to change societal attitudes that contribute to IPV and make men active partners in promoting non-violent relationships.

In Sri Lanka, several support systems are in place for victims of IPV. Various community organizations and NGOs provide localized support, including shelters and legal aid. The Ministry of Women and Child Affairs operates a toll-free helpline (Dial 1938) that offers counselling and legal support to victims of violence.

Health-sector responses to support women experiencing IPV in Sri Lanka are evolving and currently include two models of integration: GBV desks with facility-level integration, and Mithuru Piyasa, a modified One-Stop Crisis Centre model with some system-wide integration. Additionally, the Ministry of Health has implemented training programs for public health midwives to improve their ability to identify and assist IPV victims.

IPV remains a critical issue in Sri Lanka, influenced by socio-cultural, economic, and legal factors. An effective coordination and information sharing mechanism among the ministries of Health, Women and Child Affairs, and Public Security, at both state and local levels is essential to provide immediate support and empower women experiencing IPV.

Traditional cultural norms in Sri Lanka often view gender roles as rigid, expecting women to be submissive and take on domestic responsibilities. These norms can contribute to the normalization of IPV and limit women’s ability to seek help.

IPV is often seen as a private matter, with victims frequently facing pressure to stay silent. By tackling the economic, political, social, cultural, and other systemic factors that enable IPV, we can create a safer and more equitable environment for all women in Sri Lanka.

Sri Lankan women deserve the fundamental right to a violence-free home life. Achieving this necessitates a unified approach to challenge and transform harmful social norms, enhance the availability and accessibility of support services, and rigorously enforce existing laws.

Only through these coordinated efforts can we create a safer and more equitable society for all women in Sri Lanka.

Shihana Mohamed, a Sri Lankan national, is a founding member and Coordinator of the United Nations Asia Network for Diversity and Inclusion (UN-ANDI) and a US Public Voices Fellow with The OpEd Project and Equality Now on Advancing the Rights of Women and Girls. She is a dedicated human rights activist and a strong advocate for gender equality and the advancement of women.

The author expresses her views in this article in an entirely unofficial, private, and personal capacity. These views do not reflect those of any organization.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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By Azza Karam
NEW YORK, Nov 25 2024 (IPS)

The 16 Days of Activism to end gender-based violence, started with seeking to eliminate violence against women (VAW). This year’s theme highlights the reality that violence against women and girls is of pandemic proportions. The figures are galling.

References cite how millions of women and girls suffer physical or sexual violence all over the world; 95% of people trafficked for sexual exploitation in Europe are female; every 10 minutes, partners and family members killed a woman intentionally in 2023; one in three women experience violence in their lifetime; 1 in 4 adolescent girls is abused by their partners.

And more. The 16 Days of Activism is an opportunity to revitalize commitments, call for accountability and actions by diverse decision-makers. 2025 will be the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in 2025, described by UN Women as a “visionary blueprint for achieving gender equality and women’s and girls’ rights everywhere”.

Apart from the pandemic scale of the violence against women we are living through – without it being properly declared as a pandemic by governmental authorities – and the horrific data which is on the increase, there are a few pieces of this VAW puzzle that bear stressing.

Lead Integrity’s founding Partner and international activist, Dr Fulata Moyo, who is credited with efforts to institutionalize the World Council of Church’s (WCC) Thursdays in Black campaign, and her successor at leading this and executing a Programme on Just Community of Women and Men, at the WCC – Reverend Nicole Ashwood – stress this centrality of unequal power relations.

Dr Moyo is a strong advocate of mentorship, and yet she reminds us that even this process can be misunderstood as a one-way benefit relationship. Instead, she constantly argues that both mentor and mentoree learn from one another. This insistence on awareness of the mutuality of benefit – and its responsibilities – is a means of righting power imbalances not only among individuals, but in families, societies and nations.

Another Lead integrity founding Partner, Grove Harris – also serving as the UN representative of the Temple of Understanding, and is a strong eco-feminist in her own right – argues cogently that the exploitative violence leveraged on our earth, is a reflection of the exploitative violence perpetuated against women. And vice versa.

In other words, we will need to face a reality that we cannot fight the violence against women and girls, without also struggling to eliminate violence against our planet. These are not separate struggles, but integrated ones.

Lead Integrity’s Senior Advisor and Gender expert, Ms. Gehan AbuZeid expounds further to note that VAW is about endemic structural violence which permeates all domains of life, including ecology, economy, politics, and of course, society.

Inbuilt power relations which prioritize the needs, views, and priorities of one set of humans at the expense of ‘others’ means all our institutions are predisposed to violence against those deemed as more vulnerable by the dominant groups.

Violence against women happens not only because of gendered dynamics per se, but because all of power dynamics around us, are inherently based on exploitative relationships.

This leads to another couple of critical observations – ones which are becoming more taboo to speak of, especially in the kinds of times we live in today. Since the root of VAW are exploitative relationships based on unequal power dynamics, then everyone, every institution and every nation, every initiative, is responsible for ending the structural, the social and the personal forms of these interrelated violent dynamics.

In other words, ending VAW is not, and should not, be left for women alone to end it (even when they may work miracles with male and myriad other allies), nor is it only a matter of legislation – as important as that is. And while we are recognizing the principle and reality of collective responsibility, let us also have the courage to acknowledge that women can be violent towards other women too, and some men are fairly vicious against each other which is statistically related to rising VAW, and as the countless wars around us attest to.

As we consider the collective responsibilities, we need to strengthen our multilateral institutions – not only secular ones, but also those which deliberately seek to partner with different civil society organizations, including those who work to mobilize multi faith and multi stakeholder collaborations.

An example of such a multi-stakeholder and global effort is the first Women, Faith and Climate Change Network, launched at the COP 29 in Baku, Azerbaijan. The Network brings together faith-based and secular, women and male allies, working with governmental, non-governmental and intergovernmental partner institutions, elevating the influence of female faith leaders (including Indigenous ones) to maximize knowledge and impact, to right the power imbalances in each of these diverse institutions, as they work together to eliminate the violence perpetrated against our planet.

We need to ask ourselves this: by continuing to work – and work hard – within our respective silos (secular, religious, feminist, peacemaking, human rights, business, institutional, individual, national, regional, global, etc.), have we not, inadvertently, failed to address the interrelated forms of violence?

And if so, can the recognition of this pandemic of VAW, push us to work better together at a time when we face much polarization and fear – or are we destined to repeat some of the Covid pandemic’s mistakes? If we do, we risk our peaceful co-existence, and – heaven forbid – we may well risk losing the ability to exist on this planet.

Dr Azza Karam is President and CEO of Lead Integrity, and affiliate Professor at Notre Dame University’s Ansari Center for Religion and Global Engagement.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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A delegate reacts during the final negotiations that led to a much-criticized climate finance deal. Credit: UN Climate Change/Kiara Worth

By Joyce Chimbi
BAKU, Nov 24 2024 (IPS)

They say it is taboo to talk about money. But this is exactly what developing countries came for: to haggle and push for the climate finance deal of a lifetime, as the climate crisis is, for them, a matter of life and death. Wealthy nations also came for their own deal of a lifetime—to hoist the climate finance burden on the private sector as they take the bare minimum financial responsibility.

A finance COP was always going to be difficult as, although they can pay, they simply will not pay. Mere hours before the expected final text of the “Host Country” Agreement to be signed between the Government of Azerbaijan and the Secretariat of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, the COP29 presidency released a draft text proposing that the new collective quantified goal (NCQG) on climate finance would be USD 250 billion.

Developing world wanted USD 1.3 trillion. The offer sparked outrage from the Global South, silent Baku protests, and threats of boycott as “no deal was better than a bad deal.”

In the pandemonium, Brazil too warned there would be no deal unless COP29 raised the climate finance target. What followed were accusations and counter-accusations as negotiations overran into the wee hours of Sunday morning when the COP29 Presidency finally announced a deal of USD 300 billion.

“This new finance goal is an insurance policy for humanity, amid worsening climate impacts hitting every country,” said Simon Stiell, Executive Secretary of UN Climate Change. “But like any insurance policy, it only works if premiums are paid in full and on time. Promises must be kept to protect billions of lives.”

One critic warned that the rich countries staged a ‘great escape’ at COP29. Credit: UN Climate Change/Kiara Worth

The new deal triples public finance to developing countries, from the previous goal of USD 100 billion annually to USD 300 billion annually by 2035, and secures efforts of all actors to work together to scale up finance to developing countries, from public and private sources, to the amount of USD 1.3 trillion per year by 2035.

Responding to the outcome of the COP29 climate summit, Mohamed Adow, director of climate and energy think tank Power Shift Africa, said COP29 has been “a disaster for the developing world. It is a betrayal of both people and planet by wealthy countries that claim to take climate change seriously. Rich countries have promised to “mobilise” some funds in the future, rather than provide them now.”

“The cheque is in the mail. But lives and livelihoods in vulnerable countries are being lost now. At this ‘Finance COP’ not a single dollar of real climate finance has been provided right now. Not only did the global north impose a low-ball finance figure, it comes into force 11 years from now. This deal is too little, too late.”

Adow said the rich world staged “a great escape in Baku. With no real money on the table and vague and unaccountable promises of funds to be mobilised, they are trying to shirk their climate finance obligations. Leaving the world without the resources needed to avert climate catastrophe. Poor countries needed to see clear, grant-based climate finance that would boost their ability to deal with the impacts of the climate crisis and accelerate their decarbonisation efforts. But that was sorely lacking.”

Fadhel Kaboub, a member of the Independent Expert Group on Just Transition and Development, says the USD 1.3 trillion per year that the Global South asked for is meant to be a modest and reasonable good faith downpayment towards real climate action by the Global North. He said, “In the Global South, climate finance needs to come in the form of grants, not loans and further economic entrapment, cancellation of all climate-related debts, and transfer and sharing of life-saving technologies to manufacture and deploy renewables, clean cooking, clean transportation, and the climate resilience and adaptation infrastructure that we need.”

Energies were low on the final official day of negotiations; the vibrant conversations that filled the air and purposeful walks from plenary to pavilions and back were long gone. The wait did not pay off. Fred Njehu, Pan-African Political Strategist, Greenpeace Africa, said that while developed nations continue to “dodge their responsibilities, our communities are drowning, starving, and losing their homes to a crisis they didn’t create.”

The developing world were losers in the finance deal at COP29, critics say. One critic warned that the rich countries staged a ‘great escape’ at COP29. Credit: UN Climate Change/Kiara Worth

COP29 brought together nearly 200 countries. The most debated issues in Baku were around the NCQG, the Global Goal on Adaptation, and the Just Transition Work Programme. In the end, other highlights included the agreement on how carbon markets will operate under the Paris Agreement, making country-to-country trading and a carbon crediting mechanism fully operational.

On transparent climate reporting, Parties agreed to build a stronger evidence base to strengthen climate policies over time, helping to identify financing needs and opportunities. The COP decision on matters relating to the least developed countries (LDCs) contains a provision for the establishment of a support program for the implementation of National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) for the LDCs.

COP29 took a decisive step forward to elevate the voices of Indigenous Peoples and local communities in climate action, adopting the Baku Workplan and renewing the mandate of the Facilitative Working Group (FWG) of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform (LCIPP).

Countries agreed a decision on gender and climate change, extending the enhanced Lima Work Programme on Gender and Climate Change for another 10 years, reaffirming the importance of gender equality and advancing gender mainstreaming throughout the convention. They also agreed to develop a new gender action plan for adoption at COP30, which will set the direction for concrete implementation.

“No country got everything they wanted, and we leave Baku with a mountain of work to do,” said Stiell. “The many other issues we need to progress may not be headlines, but they are lifelines for billions of people. So, this is no time for victory laps; we need to set our sights and redouble our efforts on the road to Belem.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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P.C. Chen from Hong Kong shares insights with Inter Press Service on China's climate commitments and progress at COP29. Crediit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

By Aishwarya Bajpai
BAKU, Nov 23 2024 (IPS)

As COP29 draws to a close, voices from diverse regions have shed light on their contributions, challenges, and aspirations in tackling the climate crisis.

Among these voices is Pui Cheong Chen, CEO of Hong Kong Quality Insurance Agency and a representative from Hong Kong, who shared his observations about China’s progress, its role as a global player, and the expectations from developed nations.

China’s Journey Toward Green Transition

PC Chen highlighted the significant strides China has made in combating climate change, particularly since the Paris Agreement. “There’s been a big, big achievement for China since the Paris Agreement—less than 10 years, and you could see the big steps and a lot of achievement from the Chinese government,” he noted.

This progress is rooted in the government’s commitment to renewable energy and low-carbon transitions across various sectors.

Chen described the China Pavilion at COP29 as a hub of innovation, showcasing achievements not just from Hong Kong but also from regions like Guangdong and Shenzhen.

“A lot of sharing, including our sessions, showcased the progress and achievements from the civilian sector, companies, and the government’s perspective,” he said.

Hong Kong, where Chen resides, has strongly committed to carbon neutrality. Initiatives include promoting sustainable fuel, offering subsidies for power plants to transition to cleaner energy sources, and shifting from traditional fossil fuels to lower-carbon alternatives like natural gas.

The Role of Developing Nations

While China and other developing countries have demonstrated significant progress, Chen noted a disparity in the pace of action between developed and developing nations. “Frankly speaking, I observed a lot of positive progress from developing countries, but developed countries seem to be taking a more reserved and conservative approach,” he observed.

He commended Middle Eastern countries for their innovative energy solutions and substantial investments in green technologies, emphasizing their proactive steps in contrast to some developed nations.

A Call for Global Carbon Markets

One of the highlights of COP29, according to Chen, was the progress made under Article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement, which relates to global carbon markets. “This could be a good beginning to promoting a unified global carbon market,” he said. Chen believes such a framework would incentivize organizations and nations to reduce carbon emissions and foster collaboration across economies.

He also underscored the need for developed countries to contribute more—both financially and technologically. “A lot of these new initiatives require monetary resources for transformations. Developed countries have advanced technologies that could bring significant societal change, but they often hesitate to share,” he remarked.

China’s Role as a Leader

China’s status as a developing country is often debated due to its massive economy and significant global influence. Chen acknowledged China’s challenges, particularly post-COVID, but expressed optimism about its potential. “China has a very strong economic foundation and can do more, not just through government policies but by mobilizing contributions from different sectors of society,” he said.

Chen emphasized the role of coastal regions like Guangdong and Shenzhen, which are well-developed and can spearhead green transitions. He advocated for incentivizing both state-owned enterprises and private businesses to contribute to climate goals.

A Message for Climate Negotiators

When asked about his message for COP29, Chen urged developed countries to take greater responsibility. “Developed nations should contribute more, both monetarily and through technology sharing. Climate action is for the common good; it’s not about individual countries but the world as a whole,” he stated.

Chen concluded by expressing pride in China’s efforts, highlighting its proactive approach and innovative solutions as a responsible global player. His reflections underscore the importance of collaboration, innovation, and shared responsibility in addressing the climate crisis—a sentiment echoed across COP29 discussions.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Malang Sambou Manneh, who is representing The Gambia as lead negotiator for the mitigation work program as well as the nationally determined contributions at COP29 Baku. Credit: Joyce Chimbi/IPS

By Joyce Chimbi
BAKU, Nov 23 2024 (IPS)

Every year, the Conference of the Parties creates a global milestone for the climate movement, setting new standards and advancing action towards a net-zero planet to sustain all life on earth. COPs provide a platform for the global community to agree on what it would take to restore planet Earth and the contributions that all signatories to the Paris Agreement should make.

The negotiations are often tense, long, and winding and, more often than not, laden with divergent views on how to build back better. As climate change takes away lives and livelihoods, leaving behind substantial loss and damage, IPS spoke to Malang Sambou Manneh, who is representing The Gambia as lead negotiator for the mitigation work program as well as the nationally determined contributions at COP29 Baku.

Sambou has seen it all, having participated at the COPs since the landmark Paris Conference and a negotiator in COP27 Sharm El-Sheikh that set the rolling for the Loss and Damage Fund, COP28 UAE, where the Just Transition from Fossil Fuel deal was struck and COP29 Baku now dubbed the Climate Finance COP.

He says ongoing negotiations started with the sixtieth sessions of the Subsidiary Body for Scientific and Technological Advice and the Subsidiary Body for Implementation (SB60) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in June 2024 and that the outcome shaped the agenda for COP29. But even then, the signs were there that the road ahead would not be easy.

“During SB60 in Bonn, we tried to ensure that the mitigation work program is adapted, but unfortunately, we did not reach any agreement, which means we ended up with Rule 16—no consensus. But COP29 was to be a lifeline for the mitigation agenda. Still, negotiations on mitigation have not been progressive or desirable.”

Stressing that while it costs resources and time to participate at any COP, it is disappointing to see some parties quickly move to Rule 16 or no consensus on critical issues such as mitigation and fossil fuels and that they were not prepared to talk. The African Group of negotiators has nonetheless remained firm and unified around the main agenda, as most of the cities and countries are in danger from climate change. But there are certainly contentious issues around, say, fossil fuels.

On fossil fuels, The Gambia has no sacrifice to make compared to other fossil fuel-rich countries in Africa. Saying, “I can talk in the Gambia’s national capacity and say we will move away from fossil fuels, and our energy transition can directly move to renewables. For others, it is a tough choice to make. The least developed countries, who are the clear victims of climate change, should be pushing for the transition, and the tripling of renewable energy deployment in Africa is there the most vulnerable.”

Sambou works extensively in education, agriculture, health, and renewable energy. Observing, “I came from a little poor family who have migrated to Europe. I did all my studies, built my family studies, and came back to Gambia and then, 10 years ago, developed a Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) school for young women who are in technology and installing technology. And now, with the climate promise funded by UNDP, women are becoming independent power producers and building businesses around this.”

As a negotiator in climate, the TVET is a highlight of his life’s work, enrolling 100 women every year. The school is called Fandema, ‘Help Yourself’. Sambou TVET activities and projects are all built around responsible and sustainable development.

Knowledge gained working with communities has enriched his capacities as a negotiator in climate talks, giving him insights into how communities are interacting with the challenges and barriers caused by climate change towards sustainable climate solutions. But he says arriving at consensus at the COPs is not always easy, despite the magnitude of climate-provoked problems facing the global communities. Already, there have been many issues of contention.

“For instance, on two occasions within my thematic discussions, we had instances where discussions stalled. Remember, these are negotiations of Parties and some have strong positions about many different issues. Very early on, some strong Parties have already stated that they are not interested in making any political high-level messages or statements, and there are issues they do not want to see within the mitigation work program. It is a tight rope to walk,” he observes.

In such cases, it means negotiators proceed in making policy messages, which are not as effective as political high-level statements. Further saying that Africa needs to be in a strategic position to interpret COP29 text contextually as it is the only way that COP decisions can translate into changing lives.

“I am very disappointed to see that coming here from a poor country is a big sacrifice, only to reach here, and the technical people are not interested in talking to each other over these issues. There has to be total consensus, so if one Party backs out of any of these issues, there is no consensus,” he says.

Sambou does not like what he has seen thus far at COP29. He feels the talks lacked the push and momentum needed to deliver an ambitious outcome and especially around mitigation. He faults developing countries for their lukewarm approach and even hostile take on mitigation.

While he understands that developing countries in Africa see embracing the mitigation agenda as translating to a total change of their lifestyles and systems, “we are 58 years behind in terms of development, and it would be best to move forward with practices, lifestyles, and systems that align with the climate agenda.”

“Mitigation is not a burden for us; it is an action that we must all partake in. For instance, it is about methods of consumption and production that are responsible, sustainable, and in line with the SDGs. We have to be wise enough and say, ‘Let us save the planet’ because we are not yet contaminated, but we can also control how the things are moving,” he observes.

On what a deal of a lifetime would look like, Sambou speaks of the need for “high-level messages of commitment on mitigation from every responsible country represented at COP29. That pledges that are in place are fulfilled. Developed nations are paying the cost of climate change. More renewables and tripling of renewable energy. Climate accountability and transparency and a substantial reduction of emissions, as this will save us all from the little islands and small countries, poor and underdeveloped nations are looking at COPs for a much-needed lifeline.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By CIVICUS
Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the dangers arising from military uses of artificial intelligence (AI) with Sophia Goodfriend, Post-Doctoral Fellow at Harvard Kennedy School’s Middle East Initiative.

The global rise of AI has raised concerns about its impact on human rights, particularly for excluded groups, with controversial uses ranging from domestic policing and surveillance to ‘kill lists’ such as those used by Israel to identify targets for missile strikes. Digital rights groups are calling for the development of an AI governance framework that prioritises human rights and bans the most dangerous uses of AI. While recent United Nations (UN) resolutions recognise the human rights risks of AI, more decisive action is needed.

Sophia Goodfriend

Why should we be concerned about AI and its current and potential uses?

AI is being rapidly integrated into military operations around the world, particularly in weapons systems, intelligence gathering and decision-making. Its increasing autonomy reduces human oversight, raising serious concerns and sci-fi fears of machines making life-and-death decisions without meaningful human intervention.

AI-based technologies such as drones, automated weapons and advanced targeting systems are now part of military arsenals. The military’s increasing reliance on these systems raises significant concerns, as they are largely unregulated under international law. The level of surveillance these technologies rely on violates privacy protections under international law and many national civil rights laws.

The rapid development and deployment of these technologies is outpacing regulation, leaving the public largely unaware of their implications. Without proper oversight, AI could be misused in ways that cause widespread harm and evade accountability. We urgently need to regulate the military use of AI and ensure it is consistent with international law and humanitarian principles.

In addition, faulty or biased data can lead to devastating mistakes, raising serious ethical and legal questions. And the decisions made by these systems can undermine the principles of proportionality and distinction in warfare, putting civilian lives at risk.

What’s an example of how AI is currently being used?

The Israeli military is using AI-assisted targeting systems to identify and strike targets in Gaza. These systems analyse huge amounts of data collected through drones, satellites, surveillance cameras, social media and phone hacks to identify potential targets, locate them and decide where and when people should be killed.

AI-generated ‘kill lists’ raise serious concerns. Flawed or biased data has already led to devastating mistakes, with journalists and humanitarian workers killed in strikes. There have also been allegations that the military has expanded its definition of who or what constitutes a valid target, allowing attacks on people or places that may not meet the standards set by international law.

These systems operate at an unprecedented speed and scale, creating a huge number of targets. They have the potential to cause widespread destruction without thorough oversight. Soldiers operating in Gaza have as little as 20 seconds to approve targets that include Hamas militants, but also people who wouldn’t be considered valid military targets under international laws of war and human rights standards.

What does this mean for moral responsibility over the damage caused?

AI-assisted targeting technologies such as the Lavender system are not fully autonomous. They still require human oversight. This is a critical point because these technologies are only as destructive as the people in charge. It all depends on the decisions made by military leaders, and these decisions can either comply with or violate international human rights law.

At the same time, the use of machines to target and destroy can depersonalise violence, making it easier for military personnel to authorise more destruction. By outsourcing decision-making to AI, there’s a risk of abdicating moral responsibility. This technological approach makes military action seem more efficient and rational, which can help justify each bombing with a seemingly logical rationale, but it also dehumanises the civilian casualties and widespread devastation that follow.

Are current AI governance frameworks sufficient to protect human rights?

The short answer is no: current AI governance frameworks fall short in protecting human rights, particularly in military applications. While most states agree that AI-driven weapons – from fully autonomous to AI-assisted ones – should comply with international human rights law, there’s no global framework to ensure this happens.

This has led to calls for more comprehensive and enforceable rules, and there have been some positive steps. For example, civil society groups and researchers successfully pushed for a ban on fully autonomous weapons in the UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, which was supported by over 100 states. As a result, the UN Secretary-General has called for a legally binding treaty to be adopted in 2026 to completely ban fully autonomous weapons, which are powered by AI but have no human oversight of their operations.

The European Union (EU) has also taken action, banning some military AI applications such as social scoring systems – which give people ratings based on their social behaviour – as part of its AI Act. However, the EU still lacks specific rules for military AI.

Organisations such as the Future of Life Institute, Human Rights Watch and Stop Killer Robots have been instrumental in pushing for change. But they’re facing growing challenges as Silicon Valley tech CEOs and venture capitalists push for faster AI development with fewer regulations. This is worrying, as these powerful figures will now have more influence over AI policy under a new Trump administration.

What role should AI companies play in ensuring compliance with human rights principles?

Companies have a critical role to play. In recent years, many of the leading companies, such as Amazon, Google, Microsoft and OpenAI, have made public statements about their commitment to human rights. OpenAI, for example, has called for the creation of a watchdog similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency, and its founders have pledged not to allow their technology to be used for military purposes. Amazon, Google and Microsoft also have fair use policies, which they claim ensure their technologies are used in accordance with human rights principles.

But in practice, these policies often fall short, particularly when it comes to military applications. Despite their claims, many of these companies have sold their technologies to military forces, and the extent of their involvement in military AI development is often unclear. Just a few weeks ago, The Intercept reported that the US military’s Africa Command had purchased OpenAI software through Microsoft. We also know the Israeli military used Google cloud services to target bombs in Gaza and Amazon web services to store classified surveillance data on civilians in the Palestinian territories.

This has sparked protests within the companies involved, with workers staging walkouts and demanding greater transparency and accountability. While these protests are important, AI companies can ultimately only do so much to ensure their technologies are used ethically. We need stronger, more comprehensive international laws on the military use of AI, and governments must take responsibility for ensuring these laws are enforced at the national level.

At the same time, many tech CEOs, such as Elon Musk, have moved away from their previous commitment to human rights and are more aligned with right-wing political leaders like Trump. Some CEOs, such as Peter Thiel of PayPal and Alex Karp of Palantir Technologies, argue that private companies need to work closely with the military to maintain US technological superiority. This has created tensions between human rights advocates and tech giants, highlighting the need for stronger regulatory frameworks to hold these companies accountable and prevent AI being used in ways that undermine human rights.

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Human rights take a backseat in AI regulation CIVICUS Lens 16.Jan.2024
AI: ‘The biggest challenges are the biases and lack of transparency of algorithms’ Interview with Humanitarian OpenStreetMap Team 24.Aug.2023
AI regulation: ‘There must be a balance between promoting innovation and protecting rights’ Interview with Nadia Benaissa 25.Jul.2023

 

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Credit: UN Women

By Maithreyi Kamalanathan
PARIS, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

Climate change exacerbates existing gender inequalities and gender-based violence. At COP29 in Azerbaijan, governments have been urged to prioritize gender-responsive climate policies that address the specific needs of women and girls, and serious concerns have been raised about backtracking on women’s rights during these crucial negotiations on climate action.

In Azerbaijan, extreme weather events made worse by global warming and poor environmental management are heightening the risks women and girls face. As the frequency and intensity of climate-related disasters increase, more families are being left vulnerable, accelerating the need for targeted interventions.

Clean World Social Union participated in COP29 to address the critical intersection of gender inequality and the climate crisis, advocating for policies that prioritize the needs and rights of women and girls in the face of environmental challenges.

Clean World Social Union is one of only two civil society organizations in Azerbaijan providing specialist accommodation and support to women escaping gender-based violence. They operate a shelter in the capital city, Baku, housing up to 60 women and children. A second shelter in Ganja, managed by the Public Union “Tamas,” accommodates 25 residents.

Clean World Social Union collaborates with the international women’s rights organization Equality Now to strengthen the legal rights of women and girls in Azerbaijan.

Leyla Suleymanova

Coordinator Leyla Suleymanova spoke to Equality Now about how climate-induced displacement is impacting women in the country and why the government urgently needs to do more in response.

What are some of the ways that climate change is affecting women and girls in Azerbaijan?

Climate change is definitely making women more vulnerable to gender-based violence. We’ve worked with many women from rural areas whose families have lost their homes and livelihoods due to floods, drought, and other environmental crises. People become homeless, their lives have been devastated. Before, they had opportunities to earn money to improve their lives, but now they don’t.

This is forcing people to migrate and is pushing them into urban areas. Gender-based violence increases because when people become poorer, it puts pressure on families who cannot earn a living, and men can become more violent. Every day, we receive hundreds of calls from women, but due to the limited capacity of our shelters, we have to refuse many.

After extreme climate events, many women migrate alone to urban centers like Baku to support their families. However, some do not have the necessary skills or knowledge to find employment and earn money. Displacement caused by ecological crisis isolates women from their social networks and support systems, and makes them more vulnerable to abuse. As well as domestic violence, we have seen increases in commercial sexual exploitation and trafficking.

How is Azerbaijan’s government responding to the impact that climate change is having on women in the country?

In Azerbaijan, there is some understanding about how climate change impacts women and girls, but not enough. And while the government is doing some things about climate change, it’s not making the connection between ecological crisis, gender issues, and gender-based violence.

Changes in legislation and punishment for child marriage are getting tougher, but I think the ecological crisis is making the situation worse. With people becoming poorer and life getting harder, this connects to child marriage. Some families think if they have a girl who they cannot afford to provide food and education for, she should be married off quickly.

In cases of gender-based violence after extreme weather events, women often don’t have financial support, don’t know who to turn to, and may have psychological issues. It is sometimes very difficult to support these victims as they need free and regular assistance, but there are many we cannot help because of limited resources. And when there are floods, there is a big increase in the number of women needing help but we cannot provide so much support.

I have not heard of any official strategies or action plans to improve the situation for women when an ecological crisis happens. Government strategies should include implementation and coordination to address women’s issues. Without this, it is difficult to deal with these problems.

What action on climate change to support women is needed from governments?

Women and girls are being directly and disproportionately affected by the ecological crisis and we have to raise this with governments and other key stakeholders. There is a critical opportunity to address the unique challenges by developing and implementing comprehensive frameworks and gender-responsive strategies that tackle both the immediate and longer-term impacts.

Vocational training programs can help women adapt to climate change by equipping them with skills for sustainable livelihoods. This is particularly crucial for women in rural areas who may need to migrate to urban centers, where employment opportunities are more accessible. Providing these tools empowers women to rebuild their lives and communities while fostering resilience against climate-related challenges.

It is equally important to increase women’s participation in decision-making processes related to climate policies. By including women’s perspectives and experiences, governments can create more equitable and effective solutions. Gender equality must be central to these discussions, ensuring women’s voices shape policies addressing ecological and societal impacts.

Strengthening support systems is another vital step. Expanding access to psychological counseling, legal aid, and safe shelters for women and girls will address the immediate fallout of climate shocks. Additionally, building local capacity to meet the needs of women affected by these events will ensure long-term sustainability.

Public awareness campaigns are necessary to educate communities about the gendered impacts of climate change, and women should be given information about who they can turn to for support when their rights have been violated. Initiatives can shift societal attitudes, promoting a greater understanding of women’s vulnerabilities and the need for protective measures.

The COP29 summit in Azerbaijan underscored the urgency of integrating gender issues into climate action. Coordination among government agencies, civil society organizations, and international partners is essential to ensure these efforts are effective, inclusive, and provide women and girls with protection in the face of an evolving climate crisis.

Maithreyi Kamalanathan, Equality Now

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Baku Emergency Services team: Fazid Xalilov, Emil Alivyev, and Eldar Rzqyev. Credit: IPS

By Cecilia Russell
BAKU , Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

The drive home is uneventful. Our Bolt driver is a careful driver—the bright, half-moon provides a delightful end to an evening of song and good food. Our last night as an IPS team at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan.

A short friendly spat over who will hold the ample leftovers is settled, and my phone slips off my lap and onto the floor. Forgotten.

About an hour later, back in the room, I look for it. My backpack gets pulled apart; jacket pockets checked, rechecked, rechecked again. It’s simply gone.

“Call 112,” my colleague Umar Manzoor Shah WhatsApps me. I know he is still awake as he has to write a story for the next day, and we persuaded him to abandon his post and join us for dinner. The WhatsApp web is still working on my computer. “Call from the landline in your room.”

Searching for the missing phone online.

I do, then when I realize that I have called emergency services. I tell the very kind woman on the line that my phone is lost—it isn’t an emergency, just a lost phone.

“We can help you,” she insists, and a few minutes later (and at this time very close to midnight), there is knocking on my door. I do what I would consider unthinkable in South Africa and open it to find three smiling young men there.

I explain about the phone—explain it could be on the Bolt or in the shuttle from The Grand to the Polo Residences. What it looks like, my name, my number, all the possible details.

All the time I feel slightly embarrassed because it’s a phone, not a real emergency, and the only loss really is that it will be inconvenient, and I would have lost the lovely video of the incredible singer from Kasa Masa where we had dined with my colleagues crooning to the theme song from Titanic. Video only uploads on wi-fi.

The group of men leaves with promises that tomorrow I will have my phone. I am impressed at their concern, but mostly I find it incredible the interest shown in this lost phone, something seldom seen back home.

I made tea, opened my computer, and decided to try to trace my phone. iPhones are easy to trace, so I check online for the ‘how’, check into ‘find my devices’, and voilà—there is the last trace of it at The Grand.

I call emergency services again to say I have found it, and a few minutes later my three young men reappear.

We check its location again, and it’s moving back to town, this time in the Bolt. We ping it online, as it makes a loud noise. Somebody answers—they phone him on my phone. They video call him—he shows me my phone—and I identify it by its colorful flowery cover.

The men laugh and joke—they will be back in half an hour with my phone. It arrives, they do. And so it’s recovered.

Nobody is more surprised than me—this service is a real bolt from the blue. Not expecting another, but life may surprise me, until the next blue moon in 2037.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of the State of Israel, addressing the general debate of the General Assembly’s seventy-ninth session on September 27 of this year. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

On November 21, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as the former defense minister Yoav Gallant. In a statement released by the ICC, both Netanyahu and Gallant are wanted for crimes against humanity and war crimes that spanned from at earliest October 8 2023 through May 20 2024. This coincides with Israel’s respective wars with Lebanon and Palestine, for which there have been extensive damage on civilian infrastructure, thousands of civilian casualties, and repeated blockages of humanitarian aid.

The chamber of the ICC believes that there are reasonable grounds to prove that both Netanyahu and Gallant deliberately cut off access to “objects indispensable for survival” for millions of people residing in the Gaza Strip. These objects include food, water, medicine, medical supplies, fuel, and electricity. Netanyahu and Gallant’s other offenses detailed in the report include directing attacks against civilian populations and murder.

On November 21, Israel appealed the arrest warrants, citing that the ICC has no jurisdiction over Israel as it is not a member state. The appeal was subsequently rejected by the ICC due to Palestine being under valid territorial jurisdiction.

Netanyahu’s office responded to the arrest warrant in a social media post shared to X (formerly Twitter). He described the arrest warrants as “anti-Semitic” and a “modern Dreyfus trial”. The office also accused the ICC of being a “biased and discriminatory” organization.

“Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will not give in to pressure. He will continue to pursue all the objectives that Israel set out to achieve in its just war against Hamas and the Iranian axis of terror,” the statement adds.

Israeli President Isaac Herzog shared a statement to X, in which he opined that the arrest warrants turn the notion of international justice into a “universal laughingstock”, adding that Israel has a right to defend itself and has always acted in accordance with international humanitarian law. Herzog went on to say that the ICC has chosen to side with “an Iranian empire of evil that seeks to destabilize our region and the world, and destroy the very institutions of the free world.”

Gallant also responded to this news, remarking that “the decision sets a dangerous precedent against the right to self-defense and moral warfare and encourages murderous terrorism”.

Hamas has supported the ICC’s actions and urged them to look into offenses committed by other Israeli officials. “[It’s] an important step towards justice and can lead to redress for the victims in general, but it remains limited and symbolic if it is not supported by all means by all countries around the world,” said Hamas political bureau member Basem Naim.

This marks the first time in history that the ICC has issued arrest warrants for a major ally to the United States, and the first time one was issued for the leader of a democratic country. The U.S. is also not a member of the ICC and does not officially recognize its authority.

Back in May, the Biden administration denounced the ICC’s investigation of Israel, describing the application for the warrants as “outrageous”. President Joe Biden has said that the United States will “always stand with Israel against threats to its security”.

During his first term, president-elect Donald Trump previously sanctioned ICC efforts. On November 17, incoming Senate Majority Leader John Thune expressed interest in issuing sanctions on the ICC and its prosecutor if they do not “reverse their outrageous and unlawful actions to pursue arrest warrants against Israeli officials.” Thune added that the Senate is committed to continuing their support of Israel.

Although the Biden administration has not reacted to the arrest warrants as of yet, high ranking members of Congress have expressed intent to issue sanctions on the ICC. U.S. Senator Lindsey Graham described the ICC’s warrants as a “dangerous joke” and urged the rest of the Senate and President Biden to pass a sanction in a statement shared to X.

Various member states of the ICC have expressed their satisfaction with the arrest warrants. Ireland’s Prime Minister Simon Harris described the warrants as an “extremely important step” in achieving justice for violations of international humanitarian law, adding that all countries must respect the ICC’s “ independence and impartiality, with no attempts made to undermine the court.”

A spokesperson for the French Foreign Ministry stated that France’s reaction will be in line with ICC statutes, adding that “the fight against impunity is our priority.” Josep Borrell, foreign policy chief for the European Union has also expressed support for the ICC’s actions, stating that the court was not politically motivated.

The Netherlands’s Foreign Minister Caspar Veldkamp has confirmed that the Netherlands will support the ICC’s statutes, will limit any “non-essential contact” with Israeli authorities, and is mobilized to arrest Netanyahu or Gallant if they enter Dutch territory. Jordan’s Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi urged for countries to abide by the ICC’s decision, adding that Palestine deserves justice after what he describes as “war crimes” were committed by Israel.

Humanitarian organizations have also supported the ICC amid backlash from Israel and the United States. “There can be no ‘safe haven’ for those alleged to have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity,” said Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnès Callamard.

“The ICC arrest warrants against senior Israeli leaders and a Hamas official break through the perception that certain individuals are beyond the reach of the law. These warrants should finally push the international community to address atrocities and secure justice for all victims in Palestine and Israel,” said Balkees Jarrah, associate international justice director at Human Rights Watch.

It is important to note that the arrest warrants issued by the ICC are purely indictments, rather than rulings. A trial must be conducted and sufficient evidence must be provided to prove that Netanyahu and Gallant deliberately violated international humanitarian law.

Political analyst and professor of human rights law at Queen Mary University of London Neve Gordon spoke to reporters shortly after news of the arrest warrants broke. “I think the intention of using food as a weapon is clear by the statements of Israeli leaders and the practices of the Israeli military, and I think this will be easy to prove,” he said.

Gordon added that the intensive aerial campaign employed by Israel as well as attacks on hospitals, ambulances, aid personnel, and healthcare workers will help build the case against Israel.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A poster at the Delegation Pavilion at COP29 highlighting the urgency of fulfilling financial commitments to drive impactful climate actions. Picture Credit: Aishwarya Bajpai/IPS

By Aishwarya Bajpai
BAKU, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) negotiations brought attention to the progress, challenges, and future strategies for enhancing its effectiveness in fostering a just and sustainable energy transition.

The draft negotiations acknowledged significant milestones achieved by the GCF.

With a total approved funding of USD 15.9 billion across 286 projects in 133 developing countries, the GCF continues to be a critical source of adaptation and mitigation financing.

Efforts to boost inclusivity have led to 139 entities being accredited, 89 of which are direct access entities. This demonstrates the GCF’s commitment to ensuring that resources are accessible to nations and organizations that need them most.

Additionally, the approval of 115 grants for readiness support, including national adaptation plans, underscores the Fund’s focus on bolstering countries’ capacity to plan and implement climate-resilient policies. These developments reflect the growing momentum to scale up finance for climate action.

One of the notable highlights of the draft negotiations was the emphasis on mobilizing private sector investments.

The GCF’s 2023 portfolio commitments saw a USD 2.1 billion growth, including USD 917.4 million allocated to 10 new private sector projects. These efforts have expanded the private sector portfolio to USD 5 billion, which has mobilized an additional USD 17.5 billion.

Innovative financial instruments, such as private equity, have proven effective in leveraging funds. For instance, every dollar invested by the GCF in certain mitigation sectors is expected to mobilize six times the committed capital.

Such strategies are pivotal in bridging the financing gap for developing countries, enabling them to transition to low-carbon pathways.

The negotiations also highlighted the need to ensure a geographically balanced distribution of GCF resources. Exploring regional presence in all developing country regions was a key recommendation.

This approach aims to enhance accessibility and foster stronger regional partnerships, particularly in underserved areas.

Furthermore, the Indigenous Peoples Advisory Group has played an instrumental role in enhancing engagement with Indigenous communities, ensuring their inclusion in GCF operations.

The Fund is also committed to supporting adaptation initiatives, with a focus on implementing national adaptation plans in alignment with its Strategic Plan for 2024–2027.

Despite the progress, challenges remain in streamlining access to funds and ensuring timely disbursements. The negotiations called for measures such as clear project approval timelines, transparent guidelines, and tailored support for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and Least Developed Countries (LDCs).

Simplifying funding mechanisms and addressing capacity gaps are essential to make climate finance more equitable and impactful.

Another critical focus area was enhancing gender responsiveness. The draft emphasized updating the GCF’s Gender Action Plan and aligning it with the UNFCCC’s broader gender framework. Incorporating Indigenous knowledge and respecting their rights were also highlighted as priorities for the Fund’s decision-making processes.

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Remittances from migrants help address poverty and hunger, and now they are pushing forward the climate agenda. Credit: UNHCR

By Joyce Chimbi
BAKU, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

COP29 delegates have elaborated on how Africa’s dependency on agriculture is becoming increasingly untenable amidst alarming levels of global warming, wrecking havoc on the sector. Coastal communities, pastoralists, and those in the drylands are in the thick of the climate chaos.

Options for sustainable livelihoods have shrunk. The search for greener pastures is such that nearly 1.2 million people will move beyond national boundaries in the African continent by 2050 due to climate change, and more than half of climate-related migrants in 2050 will come from Africa.

As negotiations for an acceptable new collective quantified goal on climate finance intensify, some observers, such as Hurbert Thomas, a Burkina Faso immigrant living in France, told IPS that the need to meet glaring climate adaptation gaps is “pushing for innovative solutions such as migrant remittances into the continent. When migrants support their families with cash, food, and other commodities, and even in relocation to less climate-risk areas, this helps move the climate agenda in the right direction.”

“COP29 side events have included the issue of early warning signs and how the impact of predicted climate events can be reduced or even avoided. But people in high-climate-risk areas cannot move even when cautioned to if they do not have resources. I have contributed to such planned relocations back home. Remittances help address poverty and hunger, and now they are pushing forward the climate agenda.”

Thomas is talking about how migrant remittances directly fund climate action, especially in meeting the funding gap for climate adaptation. Research shows that the global population of African migrants is more than 40.4 million and that 200 million family members rely on remittances. The money builds resilience and funds climate adaptation while addressing poverty and hunger for sustainable growth and development.

Further showing that remittance flows to Africa “reached nearly USD 100 billion in 2022, accounting for almost 6 percent of Africa’s gross domestic product. They exceeded official development assistance of USD3.5 billion and foreign direct investment of USD52 billion. Intra-African remittances were USD 19.4 billion.”

The World Bank shows that remittances to sub-Saharan Africa are rising even during the global challenges, increasing by 16.1 percent in 2021, 6.1 percent in 2022, 1.3 percent in 2023, and 3.7 percent in 2024. Delegates say that direct remittances reach the most vulnerable people and communities in high-risk areas in a more effective and efficient way compared to public expenditure.

“Public expenditure is up there and affected communities are down here, and there are many processes and bureaucracies in between. In between migrant remittances and local communities is only distance. Technology has now provided an avenue to instantly send money, including the revolutionary mobile money transfer,” he says.

“In seconds, you can move money across national borders and continents from the comfort of your seat to a person or families in local communities distressed by climate change or to even build their resilience by diversifying livelihoods. This is why direct remittances are much more efficient to move, and they reach the intended amount and value.”

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Credit: UN Women

By Sanam Naraghi Anderlini
LONDON, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

In 1960, the Rafael Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic assassinated the Mirabal sisters— renowned and respected for their courage and activism against dictatorship. To give their senseless violent death some meaning and to preserve their legacy, in 1999, the United Nations inaugurated November 25—the day of their assassination—as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW).

When talk of violence against women (VAW) was still taboo in polite and political circles, the UN’s stance was powerful. It put a spotlight on a pervasive pandemic of violence evident across continents and cultures that caused devastation in the lives of millions and replicated itself across generations.

The assumption was that raising public awareness and creating a political platform—a global one, no less—would prompt attention, concern, action, and genuine political will to address and eliminate this preventable form of harm and trauma.

Unfulfilled Promise of Global Initiatives

In the subsequent years, other high-profile, largely performative, initiatives followed. UN events became annual feel-good rituals, sidelining seasoned women’s rights advocates in favor of celebrity-driven initiatives.

UN Women’s campaigns, such as actress Nicole Kidman’s “Say No-UNiTE to End Violence Against Women,” featuring stern Wonder Woman-inspired imagery on reusable bottles, raised funds but did little to reach perpetrators of violence. Emma Watson’s HeforShe seemed to admonish women for excluding men—despite decades of efforts to engage men in tackling violence.

Iceland even hosted an all-male “barbershop” conference to address equality, with limited impact. Similarly, UK Foreign Secretary William Hague garnered attention with grand declarations about ending wartime rape through the UK-led Prevention of Sexual Violence Initiative (PSVI), backed by long-time activist and actress Angelina Jolie.

But his premise that sexual violence in war would be prevented if cases were documented and perpetrators faced the future prospect of criminal justice, missed fundamental facts – including that to stop war-time rape, more focus and resources should be put on preventing wars.

Meanwhile, the top-down international attention barely made a dent in addressing the problem where it resided worldwide: in communities and homes, and increasingly online—especially in times of crisis and conflict. In large part, the lack of impact of these high-level initiatives was their failure to reach the right audiences with the right messages through trusted messengers.

Relying on Hollywood actresses to inspire largely women’s audiences to unite against violence may be necessary for motivating women, but it is not sufficient. When the perpetrators of violence are overwhelmingly male, strategies, messaging, policies, and programs must also be directed at men.

Implicitly acknowledging that world leaders did not care about the social and human cost of violence against women, the World Bank took a different tack: following the money. In 2014, the Bank reported that violence against women cost countries up to 3.4% of their GDP.1 In some countries, this was more than double their investments in education.

Implying that we should care about violence against women because it affects our bottom line is certainly a mercenary approach, but even this stark calculation failed to prompt a change in policies, practices, or prioritization of the elimination of violence against women (EVAW) as a socio-economic and security concern.

Countless diplomats, activists and bureaucrats have shaped new policies and resolutions at national and international levels. A transnational bureaucracy has grown around the agenda and EVAW has gone global with the “16 Days of Activism” campaign. Yet, 25 years later, the outlook remains grim.

We know that in Gaza women endure caesareans without anesthesia because of the Israeli blockade on food, water, electricity, and medication—but nothing is being done to prevent it. We know that in Sudan, women and girls face extreme sexual violence and rape, yet nothing is being done to prevent this violence or provide protection and care for survivors.

We saw how the COVID-19 pandemic prompted a spike of some 40% in domestic violence across the world—and yet, nothing is being done to acknowledge or deal with the issues systemically. Year after year, femicide persists. Between March 2023-2024, in the UK alone, 100 women were killed by men.

Multifaceted Solutions

Breaking the silence on violence against women through awareness-raising campaigns has certainly drawn attention to the issue. We now have increased reporting, with better data on the forms of violence and the victims and survivors. We have an increased trickle of funding for programming and, perhaps most importantly, we have clear evidence of what works. It is not surprising that the solutions are multifaceted.

Laws and policies matter. In France, as the Gisele Pelicot case reveals, the legal definition of rape matters. Similarly, changing institutional cultures matters, especially in male-dominated law enforcement. In the U.S., a 2020 study found that one in four women will experience sexual assault in their lifetime, but fewer than 5% of survivors report the assaults to law enforcement.

In the U.S., police code 20% of reported cases as “unfounded,” based on the reporting officers’ perceptions of the woman reporting the incident. The 2020 report notes that “dismissing sexual violence has become common practice amongst the police.”2 Training and changing police practices is therefore essential to bring perpetrators to justice and increase women’s trust in the service.

Globally, grassroots initiatives prove that impactful change begins with local security personnel and community leaders. At the International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), we have supported many of our partners in the Women’s Alliance for Security Leadership (WASL) in their efforts.

In Sri Lanka, the Association of War Affected Women (AWAW) successfully advocated for deploying female police officers to rural areas, trained male and female police officers on international laws such as UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and encouraged them to develop culturally effective approaches to addressing VAW.

In a Syrian refugee community in Turkey, our partner Kareemat has led interventions to stop child marriages that often take place because they are “one less mouth to feed.” Since fathers are making these decisions, raising awareness of the risks to their daughters and offering livelihood alternatives is essential.

To ensure the message resonates, Kareemat engaged trusted male religious leaders to emphasize that child marriage contradicts Islamic values and harms young girls. They also advocate for continued education and provide skills training, supporting girls to have their own livelihoods.

“We have observed a positive shift among many beneficiaries, especially men…agreeing on the importance of waiting until a girl reaches the age of eighteen before marriage,” says Kareemat Founder, Najla Sheikh. “These men also advocated for preparing young women by equipping them with a profession that enables them to support themselves…The beneficiaries expressed a desire to see girls achieve financial independence and be able to protect themselves in a safe environment like Kareemat.”3

Efforts to engage men in communities has expanded over the years. But as UK-based investigative journalist Sonia Sodha wrote in 2022,4 when it comes to the seriously violent, awareness and education is just not enough; reflecting on the differences between and within men is also essential.

Sodha highlights the UK-based project, Drive, which “has shed once and for all the feminist attachment to the idea that the key to reducing serious violence is teaching men to be better.” The project works with high-risk domestic abusers, assigning them case managers to provide support with jobs, mental health, and housing, while also serving as early warning conduits to involve police and social services when necessary to disrupt violence.

The results are astounding with an 82% and 88% drop in physical and sexual abuse respectively. Yet, access remains severely limited, with only 1% of serious abusers receiving such intervention.5

Meanwhile, a consistent factor in men’s violence is their own exposure to violence as children. Childhood abuse is a leading precursor of adult violence, yet in rich and poorer countries, programs to protect children are being slashed. As the wars in Gaza and Yemen show, children are increasingly the key targets of violent conflict.

Violence Against Women Amidst War and Displacement

With 56 wars raging and over 120 million people displaced by conflict, violence against women is on the rise, in increasingly complex forms. Ukraine is a case in point. Ukrainian men have become soldiers at the frontlines fighting Russian forces to protect their families and homeland.

But too often, on leave, they mete out their own trauma against their wives and children. It is wretchedly heartbreaking, yet universal in contexts of crisis and conflict.6 Simultaneously, displacement and economic hardship forces more women into sex work, trafficking, and other situations that heighten their vulnerability. Political dealmaking, such as the U.S.-Taliban agreement, has fueled multi-generational violence against women and children.

Over half a century since the Mirabals’ assassination, as a global community, we are certainly more aware of the horrors of violence against women. But it is still women who are picking up the pieces.

Our support networks are critical, says South African activist Bernedette Muthein, recalling “the street groups that intervene during domestic violence” and the women-led organizations that provide advice, support, and exit plans that “include stashing identity documents, clothes and money.”

Shelters and women-only spaces also remain essential for victims. But in Liberia, says peacebuilder Cerue Garlo “such issues are still not seen as national issues. The public expects women to handle them as ‘women’s issues’,” a sentiment that resonates around the world.

Time to Break the Cycle

On November 25, 2024, as the UN commemorates the 25th anniversary of the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, perhaps it is worth stating it explicitly: violence against women is not just a women’s issue. It is a societal, economic, and security issue. Given the vast majority of perpetrators are men, it is also very clearly a men’s issue.

At a minimum, it is time to shift the shame and fear that women have harbored for so long, onto the men who perpetuate the violence. Too often, when such calls are made, social media platforms are flooded with #NotAllMen. Of course, not all men are implicated in VAW—and this is precisely the point. It is time for the good men—those who are indignant about and abhor such violence—to stand up, speak out, and join women to take on the challenge of ending this pandemic.

It is also time to dedicate more funding and channel resources directly to the women’s organizations working to tackle the roots, symptoms, causes, and effects of such violence.

The good news is that when the most serious abusers in the UK can be stopped, and destitute Syrian fathers can be convinced to protect their daughters, we know that violence against women is not inevitable. We just need to muster up the political will, social courage, and economic resources. Let’s not wait another 25 years to make the promise of ending violence against women a reality.

1 https://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2023/08/25/tackling-gender-based-violence-development-imperative
2 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9136376/
3 Personal correspondence
4 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/mar/06/male-violence-against-women-much-more-than-toxic-masculinity
5 Ibid
6 https://gppi.net/media/Kotliuk_2024_Hidden-Front-of-Russias-War_ENG.pdf

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, MBE, is Founder/CEO, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)

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Greg Puley, Head of the Climate Team at the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), at COP29. Credit: OCHA

By Umar Manzoor Shah
BAKU, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

As climate-induced disasters continue to wreak havoc worldwide, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), a UN body specializing in emergency response, has issued a clarion call for an ambitious and fair global climate finance goal at COP29. Greg Puley, Head of the Climate Team at OCHA, highlighted the pressing need for enhanced disaster risk reduction and climate resilience measures, particularly in vulnerable and conflict-affected regions.

Speaking to IPS during COP29 at Baku, Puley stressed the dramatic rise in climate-related emergencies, which have escalated the burden on global humanitarian systems. “This year alone, we witnessed devastating floods in the Sahel, extreme heatwaves in Asia and Latin America, and drought in Southern Africa,” Puley said. He also pointed out the earliest recorded Category 5 storm in the Caribbean, stating that climate disasters are becoming increasingly severe and frequent.

OCHA has made an appeal for USD 49 billion in international humanitarian aid this year amid the growing scale of the crisis. However, funding has not kept pace with rising needs. Puley lamented the slow progress in implementing climate finance commitments made at past COP summits, calling for urgent action to translate pledges into tangible benefits on the ground.

“While there have been initiatives like the Secretary General’s Early Warnings for All, which aims to provide global early warning coverage by 2027, these efforts are underfunded,” Puley said. He said that conflict-affected areas receive minimal climate finance, leaving the most vulnerable populations behind. “These are the people least responsible for the climate crisis, yet they bear the brunt of its impacts,” he said.

Priorities for COP29

With COP29 concluding, Puley said without robust financial support for developing countries, achieving urgent reductions in greenhouse gas emissions and meeting the 1.5-degree Celsius target would be impossible. He warned that surpassing this threshold would exacerbate climate-induced disasters, further straining humanitarian systems. “

Also, increased investments in climate adaptation and resilience are crucial, particularly for disaster-prone regions. Puley argued that without these measures, progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) would be derailed as communities repeatedly face setbacks from extreme weather events,” he said.

According to him, there is a need to correct the imbalance in climate finance allocation. He called for targeted investments in areas with high humanitarian needs to build resilience against climate shocks.

While Puley expressed optimism about COP29 delivering on climate finance goals, he acknowledged the challenges ahead. “We have high hopes, but it’s clear that much more needs to be done to ensure that the world’s most vulnerable populations are not left behind,” he said.

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The mental health impacts of climate change are not widely discussed, but increasing evidence shows how climate change is affecting mental health and raising the risk of new mental health challenges. Experts say that existing systems are not equipped to cope with the current and additional challenges related to health and mental health caused by […]

Syeda Rizwana Hasan, an adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh and Minister of Environment, Forest and Climate Change. Credit: X

By Umar Manzoor Shah
BAKU, Nov 22 2024 (IPS)

Syeda Rizwana Hasan, an adviser to the interim government of Bangladesh and as Minister of Environment, Forestry, and Climate Change, urged the global and regional leaders to prioritize ambitious, evidence-based climate targets in the climate negotiations.

Hasan, in an exclusive interview with IPS at COP29 in Baku, Azerbaijan, speaks in detail about Bangladesh’s efforts to address plastic pollution, empower women in climate action, and foster regional cooperation in South Asia while calling out global gaps in climate ambition.

COP29: Ambition and Disparities

On COP29’s progress, Hasan criticized the widening gap between scientific evidence and global climate action.

“Least developed and vulnerable countries base their demands on science. Yet, major polluters deny this evidence, sticking to exploitative fossil-fuel-based models,” she said.

Hasan also pointed out inconsistencies in proposed solutions. “The draft text on New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) funding talks about ‘innovative solutions,’ but why focus on unproven methods like market-based carbon trading when established solutions exist?”

While acknowledging the importance of participating in COP negotiations, Hasan expressed concern that global ambition is regressing.

“The last three years have seen us moving away from desired results. Countries must act on science-based targets to prevent catastrophic outcomes.”

“Maybe five years down the road, what we are saying will be said by the developed countries. Because of what Spain has faced today, if more and more European countries and American states start facing those sorts of calamities, then the stance of the developed countries may change,” she added.

Regional Cooperation in South Asia

Addressing the shared climate challenges in South Asia, Hasan stressed the need for collaboration in disaster management, water sharing, and renewable energy.

“South Asia has vast potential for regional cooperation, but political mistrust hinders progress. We need to move away from a ‘big brother-little brother’ dynamic and establish partnerships based on equality and trust,” Hasan said.

She proposed creating a regional energy grid leveraging Nepal and Bhutan’s hydroelectric potential, reducing reliance on coal and gas. Other areas of collaboration include agriculture, forestry, and transboundary early warning systems.

However, Hasan acknowledged the roadblocks.

“There are good models in South Asia that are being taught even in universities like Oxford. But we South Asian countries are reluctant to take lessons from these good practices. The thing is, you need to first build trust among the South Asian countries. We don’t need a big brother or a big sister in the region. We need friends. When you have a big brother and a small brother, they always fight.”

The Minister added: “A big fish would always like to eat up a small fish. But here we have to prove that we are on equal footing and that we are friends and not brothers and sisters. Once we set that political context and we do that trust-building process among the South Asian countries, I think there is huge potential in both adaptation, mitigation, loss, and damage. We can do early warning for disaster management and minimize the impacts of disasters. We can cooperate in the sector of agriculture.”

Hasan urged the global and regional leaders to prioritize ambitious, evidence-based climate targets. She stressed that countries like Bangladesh, which bear the brunt of climate impacts despite minimal contributions to emissions, need urgent support.

“Bangladesh remains committed to leading by example, from phasing out plastics to empowering women and fostering regional partnerships. But global action must match the scale of the crisis,” Hasan said.

Tackling Plastic Pollution: Reviving The 2002 Ban

Bangladesh made history in 2002 by becoming the first country to impose a ban on the manufacturing, selling, and use of polythene and plastic shopping bags. Yet Hasan acknowledges that enforcing the ban has been inconsistent over the past two decades.

“Between 2004 and 2006, we successfully removed polythene bags from markets,” Hasan explained. “However, enforcement efforts waned after a government change. Over the years, usage has resurged, making it an even bigger challenge today.”

The government is now reinitiating enforcement, starting with regulating plastic bag use in supermalls in Dhaka before expanding to other urban centers and eventually rural areas. Environmental groups are also campaigning in remote parts of the country to support the initiative.

Hasan said that efforts are being made to target polythene shopping bags first, with a broader plan to phase out all single-use plastics. “We aim to develop an action plan to transition from single-use plastics, except for items like ballpoint pens, where alternatives are not yet readily available. This will be implemented over two to three years.”

While concerns about the livelihood impact of such bans arise, Hasan dispelled misconceptions. “Producers of polythene shopping bags also manufacture other plastic products. They can pivot to legal alternatives, and we’re introducing sustainable options like jute and cotton bags in the market,” she said.

Women’s Role in Climate Mitigation

Hasan highlighted the significant yet underappreciated role of Bangladeshi women in climate resilience and sustainable development. She recounted how women-led seed banks became crucial during recent floods, supplying communities and the government with much-needed resources.

“Women in Bangladesh have preserved seed banks for decades. Scaling up this model can create decentralised, community-driven solutions,” Hasan said.

In terms of lifestyle changes and sustainable agriculture, women play a pivotal role. “Mothers transmit values to children, shaping habits like water conservation and reducing waste. Women farmers also prioritize safe, pesticide-free food for their families, making them key drivers of eco-friendly practices,” she said.

Hasan said that the government aims to integrate indigenous women’s knowledge into its policies on nature protection and food security.

Using Public Interest Litigations (PILs) for Climate and Women’s Rights

As a pioneer in using public interest litigations for environmental justice, Hasan discussed the potential of PILs in addressing women’s climate vulnerabilities.

“PILs come into play after setting the right policy and legal framework. For example, water and food security laws must reflect women’s unique needs. If these are ignored, PILs can hold the system accountable,” Hasan said.

She said there is a need for gender-sensitive climate policies to ensure women are protected and empowered in the face of escalating climate impacts.

“You have to first set the policies and the laws in the right direction. And if the policies and the laws are not respected, then you take the PILs.”

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The 29th Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change is scheduled to conclude 22 November 2024. Credit: United Nations Department of Global Communications

By Abdoulaye Diallo
DAKAR, Senegal, Nov 21 2024 (IPS)

At the UN climate change conference in Baku (COP29), government officials are scrambling for an agreement on a new climate financial package. There is a well established consensus that the climate crisis is exacerbating the hardships of vulnerable communities around the world. The question now is who’s going to pay for the staggering costs?

A small tax on just seven of the world’s biggest oil and gas companies could grow the UN Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage by more than 2000%, as shown in an analysis by environmental organisations Greenpeace International and Stamp Out Poverty. Taxing last year’s revenues of major oil companies could help cover the costs of some of this year’s worst weather events attributed to climate change.

Taxing ExxonMobil’s 2023 extraction could pay for half the cost of Hurricane Beryl, which ravaged large parts of the Caribbean, Mexico and the USA. Taxing Shell’s 2023 extraction could cover much of Typhoon Carina’s damages, one of the worst that the Philippines experienced this year. Taxing TotalEnergies’ 2023 extraction could cover over 30 times Kenya’s 2024 floods.

A Climate Damages Tax (CDT) could deliver desperately needed resources for communities and authorities who are on the front lines of the climate crisis, made worse by dirty energy companies. Companies which, together, earned almost US$150 billion last year.

So, what could a long term tax on fossil fuel extraction, combined with taxes on excess profits and other levies, deliver? A climate damages tax imposed across wealthy OECD countries, increasing annually by US$5 per tonne of CO2-equivalent based on the volumes of oil and gas extracted, could play an essential role in financing climate action.

It could raise an estimated US$900 billion by 2030 to support governments and communities around the world as they face growing climate impacts.

Who should pay? This is fundamentally an issue of climate justice and it is time to shift the financial burden for the climate crisis from its victims to those responsible for it. There is an urgent need for innovative solutions to raise the funds to meet the challenge posed by climate loss and damage. Governments worldwide must adopt the climate damages tax and other mechanisms to extract revenue from the oil and gas industry.

The data clearly shows Big Oil’s complicity in the crisis we’re in, but to truly deliver climate justice the numbers are never enough.

That’s why our call to make climate polluters pay comes at the conclusion of three weeks of protests, in which survivors of floods and other extreme weather events have stood with Greenpeace activists. Together, activists delivered to offices of dirty energy companies (e.g, TotalEnergies, Eni, Equinor, OMV) containers full of broken toys and family photos, furniture, appliances, and other remnants of personal and communal tragedy, which became far worse because of Big Oil’s ever growing production of oil and gas.

For governments to finally force climate polluters to stop drilling and start paying, we should all raise our voice.

Abdoulaye Diallo is Co-Head of Greenpeace International’s Stop Drilling Start Paying project

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The point of finding a partner is to achieve your strategic goals and ensure the sustainability of your organisation while contributing to another organisation. Credit: Pexels

By Angela Umoru-David
ABUJA, Nov 21 2024 (IPS)

It is an already established truth that building partnerships is one of the single most effective ways for African non-profits to attract funding and deepen their impact. So, as an addendum to this article by Tafadzwa and I, here is a guide to finding your match.

Indeed, choosing an organisation to collaborate with can be similar to deciding on a life partner. It does not require the same life commitment but a wrong partnership can significantly hurt your reputation with donors, the trust you have from the community(ies) and even the faith your team members have in you. In some situations, the consequences are not so dire. Perhaps, it may only sidetrack you, forcing you to forge into areas you probably did not intend, and making you lose time or put years of hard work at risk.

So, in broad strokes, how can you find the right partner for your work as an African civil society organisation (CSO) or nonprofit?

1. Put your House in Order: Organisations are often judged on the strength of their corporate governance. While the size of an organisation may influence how robust its processes and procedures are, what is paramount is that irrespective of the size, there is a system and culture of accountability and transparency. The most solid path towards establishing broad community partnerships that ensure long-term grassroots support revolve around legitimacy and structure, as evidenced in your policies, leadership composition, accountability measures and organisational culture. This may seem like an obvious point but African non-profits often start informally as a small initiative to address a problem in the community. Over time, that small initiative morphs into a registered non-governmental organisation, whose leadership is made up of close friends and family members. Even if this works to get the organisation operational, it does not work in the long term. At the barest minimum, every nonprofit should have a diverse and functional board of directors/trustees, well-articulated vision, values and objectives, strategic goals and action plans. These benchmarks help you streamline what kind of partner(s) you need, when you should approach them and how you want to collaborate with them.
2. Be Willing to Collaborate, not Compete: For too long, the funding pool in Africa has pit nonprofits against one another. However, to tap the benefits of partnerships, organisations must be willing to call a truce, and work together in an open, honest relationship. Yet, with so much distrust already being the marker of the nonprofit space, how do we move forward? It really begins with having a different mindset. If more organisations adopt the idea that collaboration, and not competition is the way forward then we will have made considerable progress. But this is not a perfect world and there will always be unscrupulous people so the next few points should give you some protection.
3. Find your Strategic Match: While certain collaborations may be short-term, all partnerships should be strategic (irrespective of time frame). This means that there should be congruence in values, approach to work, complementary (not necessarily exact) thematic areas of work and proven record of value. Before engaging with a prospective partner, it is important to consider what you can also offer the partnering organisation. What would be helpful is to have a predetermined checklist with some must-haves and a few criteria that might be flexible. This also means creating an internal standard for excellence that all prospective partners must abide by. This is why point (1) is too important. If you are not clear about who you are as an organisation or your needs, how will you recognise an organisation that matches your partner profile?
4. Start Small and Take it Slow: You can start from your circle, with organisations that align with your values and whose leadership you can vouch for to a certain degree. Even at that, do not be quick to commit to major projects or sign a memorandum of understanding (MOU) without reading the fine print. You can also start with projects that may not require funding (because this often has higher stakes) but things like knowledge/data-sharing, staff exchanges etc. may be somewhere to begin. These low-hanging fruits help you get a feel of what kind of organisation you are dealing with. Lastly, it goes without saying that you request a ‘get-to-know-you’ meeting where you share your histories, policies and procedures with each other (yes, much like a first date) then you can go from there. It is important that you do not accept a partnership under duress and if the organisation refuses to honour this request, then it is possible that they are not the right match for you.
5. Be Diverse and Inclusive in your Search: Too often nonprofit organisations struggle to catch the attention of the more established entities, forgetting that there might be a host of other organisations doing impressive work and who might be reliable partners. It is advisable to cast a wide net. The fact that an organisation is small (or even smaller than yours) does not negate the value they could offer. You can also make an open call for partnerships, highlighting your interest area(s), what you bring to the table and an overview of the kind of organisation you want.

Ultimately, you should remember that the point of finding a partner is to achieve your strategic goals and ensure the sustainability of your organisation while contributing to another organisation. Approaching partnership-building from this perspective strengthens the network of non-profits across the Continent, helps us leverage our internal wealth of resources and weans us off our over-dependence on external funding.

Angela Umoru-David is a creative social impact advocate whose experience cuts across journalism, program design and corporate/development communications, and aims to capture a plurality of views that positively influence the African narrative

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